Zimbabwe has to make the deal work

It may sound the death knell of multi-partyism in that country.

In 1987, the Unity Accord signed between Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo, then leader of former liberation movement Zapu, heralded the end of authority for Nkomo, who was given the Vice Presidency of the country and stripped of any meaningful clout.

Nkomo’s Zapu was dissolved and its entire cadre of leaders became Zanu-PF government officials.

The Namibian would like to believe that the same scenario will not be played out again in Zimbabwe and that, although there is widespread scepticism about the power-sharing – and that includes our own reservations – it will work out in the best interests of the beleaguered people of that country.

Without exception, business and political leaders across the globe have pinned almost all hopes on a power-sharing deal between Mugabe and Tsvangirai.

But past experience has demonstrated that the Mugabe regime has almost perfected the art of political brinkmanship and manipulation to secure the reproduction of his administration.

His machinations over the past three decades are the stuff of legends.

But while The Namibian has in the past criticised the government of Zimbabwe for turning the breadbasket of southern Africa into a basket case, we do acknowledge that there could be a combination of goodwill and political expediency that has driven Mugabe to this point of compromise.

Tsvangirai has been equally shrewd, but his post as Prime Minister is loaded with constraint.

Mugabe remains Chief of the Zimbabwe Defence Force.

He retains the right to hire and fire ministers, including the Prime Minister, and has therefore not relinquished much power.

Tsvangirai is further constrained by the fact that Mutambara will be sharing the post with him.

This plays directly into Mugabe’s ploys because Mutambara is Tsvangirai’s party rival.

In the MDC, the two could meet eye to eye and Mutambara decided to form his own party.

So, with a fractured prime ministerial office, Mugabe is in the pound seats again.

Norman Tjombe, the director of the Legal Assistance Centre in Namibia, was quoted in a local newspaper as saying: “With the power to make war and declare a state of emergency, Mugabe has not handed over any meaningful power to the opposition.

He still has all the instruments of power.”

These words are ominous and they may be perfectly true.

The signs of despotic power have been there for all to see in Zimbabwe.

We hope otherwise.

But while the political elite play sophisticated power games in that besieged country, our real concern should be whether the power-sharing deal will get ordinary Zimbabweans out of the dire and stressful economic situation that they find themselves in.

A turnaround in the economy is an absolute prerequisite if Zimbabwean workers, the unemployed and farmers are to get their livelihood back.

It is no accident that Zimbabweans are the most educated population on our continent.

This came about as a direct result of Mugabe’s focus on education during his first two decades in power.

He lost the plot over the past ten years and we appeal to the unity government to provide the wherewithal and incentives to Zimbabweans in exile to return and rebuild their beautiful country.

South African President Thabo Mbeki, who brokered the deal, desperately wanted his ‘place in the sun’ as a peacemaker and a chance to prove success for his much-maligned ‘silent diplomacy’.

Time will still tell whether his dream will be realised.

As Namibians, we will and must support any programme that is designed to rebuild a broken and devastated Zimbabwean countryside.

Political tensions and continued spats over who is in charge of what in that country may be useful stuff for political commentary, but these will have to take a back seat if the power-sharing deal is to benefit Zimbabweans on the ground.