ferences in the MDC, the reality is simply that humans never view things the same. Sadly, the politicians who have been a beacon of hope, to whom the duty of reinstalling democracy and economic recovery was entrusted, are busy getting at each other’s throats.
It may not be accurate to credit the CIO with the split in the MDC, but that alone provides powerful ammunition for Zanu (PF) and the two MDC factions to gain political capital against each other, while the so-called senate still has to find something to do, several months after it was imposed.
The MDC may not have needed to debate the senate issue in the first place. At that stage the opposition party had long realized that it would never win elections held under current circumstances which permit wholesale rigging by the ruling party.
The only wins the MDC ever got were in its strongholds, where voters voted so overwhelmingly against ZANU (PF) it rendered the rigging ineffective.
Effectively the MDC leaders are squabbling over something that doesn’t actually exist, and Mad Bob must be laughing his head off at the success of his political jugglery.
“Even the squabbling in the MDC won’t stop us in out ‘look east’ programme,” was one of his recent quips.
With or without the ‘senate’, the MDC has to abide by its conviction to lead the people out of the Zanu (PF) tyranny and economic chaos. Instead of wasting their time on the senate circus, the MDC leadership should explore innovative means of making more people realize the urgency of changing national political and economic policies. It has to mobilize everyone, including the army, police and even Zanu (PF) members themselves.
Nonetheless, if the MDC chaos develops into a complete split, it may as well be accepted as democratic action, and possibly the clichéd blessing in disguise.
Remember that in 1962 the Zapu leaders argued over whether to agree to a settlement with the colonialists or demand the country back with the barrel of a gun. Joshua Nkomo preferred to settle the matter peacefully with the British, and wanted to use his prerogative as leader for a final decision. There developed the ‘pro-armed struggle’ and ‘anti-armed struggle’ factions of the party. Those who opposed Nkomo, the ‘pro armed struggle’ group that included Mad Bob, labelled him a sellout and dictator. The same happens today when Morgan Tsvangirai uses his prerogative to take a pragmatic decision for the MDC about the senate issue.
The central issue that split Zapu at that time was nevertheless much more important than the senate farce that threatens to divide the MDC today. Provided there is no change of policy or political suicide in either MDC faction, the perceived split would also provide a second front for the two MDCs to remove ZANU (PF) from power.
As a violent man himself, Mad Bob knows that well-orchestrated violence could unseat him in a day. That scares the hell out of him and plays havoc to his deteriorating mental health, as he strives to cling on to power and avoid getting jailed or executed for his heinous crimes.
The emergence of the Zimbabwe Action Support Group probably explains the increased numbers of Mad Bob’s CIO operatives in Joburg. However their skills, or their absence, still have to be tested. In metropolitan areas densely populated by Zimbabweans their cover is often easily blown, and some of them are rumoured to have been murdered.
The Men in Dark Glasses also betrayed Mad Bob in the late 1990s by not informing him early enough about the imminent formation of the MDC, which drove him real mad.
In the face of a threat of violence, no one needs to be reminded how the mad one reacts. He may already have the Chinese training another murder squad for him in the army, with which to wipe out resistance to his rule as he did with the Gukurahundi in the 1980s.
Post published in: Opinions