The untold story of the MDC split

Standfirst: In the wake of the failure of the MDC to re-unite, ITAI DZAMARA, has investigated the unsaid feelings and events that led to the 2005 split of the opposition party, the formation of the Mutambara faction and recent events. This is the first of his three-part series.
Nobody wants to sp

eak on the record about the unsaid events and deeper issues within the opposition party since way back in 2002.
On one side is the involvement of President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa in a plan to wrestle power from Morgan Tsvangirai and put the MDC under the control of Welshman Ncube.
Another plot was allegedly aimed at helping the southern region, or the Ndebeles, to take over the party, culminating in a political deal involving the Zanu (PF) faction of Rural Housing minister Emmerson Mnangagwa and, interestingly, former Information minister, Jonathan Moyo of the famous Tsholotsho saga.
But that was after a plan had failed based on the widely-held expectation that Tsvangirai would be convicted on treason charges, which crumbled when he was acquitted.
The other side is dominated by accusations against Tsvangirai for allegedly subverting the MDC constitution and the leadership to run the party with a group of handpicked officials, referred by his critics as “the kitchen cabinet”.
The split of October 2005 was attributed to the differences over participation in senate elections but investigations have shown that the young opposition party developed deep cracks and embarked on the path to a schism way back in 2003.
Two individuals, party president, Tsvangirai and then secretary general, Welshman Ncube, were at the centre of the differences and power struggles that precipitated the split.
Mbeki is believed to be uncomfortable with a trade-union backed opposition party unseating Zanu (PF) in a similar fashion to what became of Zambia when Fredrick Chiluba ousted Kenneth Kaunda. Mbeki finds a serious threat to his ANC political survival as well as relationship with the trade union body, COSATU. “He fears that if this happens in Zimbabwe, it is likely to inspire a same revolution in his country and threaten his party, hence he is opposed to Tsvangirai,” a source said. “He has been preferring Ncube, an academic, to lead the MDC.”
Sources say Ncube entered deliberations with Mbeki after Tsvangirai lost to Mugabe in the 2002 presidential elections out of which emerged the portrayal of Tsvangirai as an “obstacle”.
“Tsvangirai had resisted plans to negotiate with Zanu (PF) and insisted on his boycotts as well as protests against the regime whilst on the other hand Welshman tried to understand each other with Patrick Chinamasa (Justice minister) and cooperate with Mbeki in his quiet diplomacy strategy,” a source said. “Welshman and his colleagues started plans to denounce Tsvangirai in the party especially aimed at portraying him as an incapable leader and these included the circulation of documents asking people to compare Morgan and Welshman’s CVs.”
It is reported that contacts between Mbeki and the Ncube camp of the MDC intensified whilst the South African leader and Tsvangirai became more and more unpopular with each other. A source close to Tsvangirai says he has not met Mbeki face-to-face for about three years.
Then came the treason trial in which Tsvangirai faced execution if convicted. “There was a general expectation that there wouldn’t be any way Tsvangirai could escape conviction in the Zanu (PF) controlled courts and on that basis, Welshman and company were making steps towards taking over the party,” a source said. “They had enough opportunities to push their agenda because Tsvangirai spent about two years without his passport and not travelling, making them meet the whole international community and in the process becoming the face of the MDC.”
It is said the acquittal of Tsvangirai sent the aspiring leaders of the party back to the drawing board. “At that point, Ncube embarked on plans to create a parallel party and established an office he called the MDC’s Regional Office in Bulawayo. He refused an order by the National Council to close it and it is currently the de facto headquarters of his faction,” a source said.
The MDC was led by what was referred to as the “Top Six”, comprising Tsvangirai, Vice President Gibson Sibanda, Secretary General Welshman Ncube, Deputy Secretary General Gift Chimanikire, Treasurer Flether Dulini Ncube and National Chairman, the late Isaac Matongo. The top echelon is said to have been divided between Tsvangirai and Ncube, who reportedly clashed on political strategy based on whether to use boycotts and protests against the Zanu (PF) regime or go by Mbeki’s quiet diplomacy or engagement with the regime. “Ncube had firmly on his side Sibanda and Dulini Ncube whilst Matongo stood by Tsvangirai. Chimanikire was known for going along with what suited his personal ambitions most (more shall be revealed later),” a source said.
In the face of increased friction in the “Top Six”, allegations emerged that Tsvangirai had established a “kitchen cabinet” comprising his advisors such as Ian Makone and Elphas Mukonoweshuro, with whom he was increasingly consulting.
Propaganda machinery for both Tsvangirai and Ncube went into full swing. Tsvangirai came under a barrage of criticism from within some sections of the party. “He had demonstrated that he was incapable of leading a democratic party and weaknesses were too costly,” a source said. “He in fact was a liability to the party and we desperately needed to address that issue but he worsened the situation by creating his kitchen cabinet.”
On the other hand, Ncube was also subjected to a lot of allegations that included sexual scandals as well as suspected allegiances to Zanu (PF), which investigations by this paper have shown were mostly untrue. For example, Ncube has ignored sustained allegations that he received a farm from government but our investigations showed that he has in fact been a victim of the land reform programme, having lost his farm in Silobela under the programme and had to find somewhere to put his cattle. He later got another farm, with some sources saying he bought it using his own funds whilst others say it was allocated to him by government.
*Don’t miss part 2 next week, touching on the story behind the MDC’s link to the Tsholotsho saga of Jonathan Moyo and the Mnangagwa faction as well as how Mutambara became to be leader of the MDC splinter faction, all in which Mbeki’s name continues to crop up.

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