I
distributed the article to journalist colleagues in Canada , UK , South
Africa and the US through an e-mail list. I am not aware if the article was
used in any publication.
However, on Tuesday, an unknown male caller with a good command of all three
official languages of Zimbabwe (English, Ndebele and Shona), left a
threatening message on my home phone.
“Mr. Madawo, Innocent. Um, this is in connection with one of the articles
that you wrote, that you indicate justifies, eh, Gukurahundi.
“Mr. Madawo, you must be very careful about what you write. Uchakuvarira
zvinhu vausingazivi. (you will be hurt for things you don’t know). Uzalimala
(you will be hurt), you hear me!?”
I listened to the message on Wednesday and called Toronto police
immediately. They assured me they would trace the call to its source and
“nip (such mischief) in the bud”.
The caller said my article “justifies” the Gukurahundi atrocities and
therefore, I will be harmed for that, presumably by him or other persons.
The caller’s message indicated violence judging from the chilling tone of
his voice and the fact that he is somebody unknown to me.
Also, considering the killing and torture of colleagues in Zimbabwe last
year, the near fatal shooting of ZimOnline editor, Abel Mutsakani in
Johannesburg and the circulation of lists of marked Zimbabwean journalists;
I am not taking this lightly.
It concerns me that the caller threatened me for no apparent reason because
in my article, I did not mention Gukurahundi nor did I imply in anyway that
it was justified.
In fact, for me justifying Gukurahundi, would be tantamount to betraying
myself and my family.
I did my fair share of sleeping under the bed in Bulawayo when Mugabe’s
former Zanla freedom fighters fought running battles with the late Joshua
Nkomo’s former Zipra combatants during the Entumbane uprising (the precursor
to the Gukurahundi era).
My father was very nearly killed when the Gukurahundi burst into our house
in Magwegwe West Township and fired indiscriminately. There is a bullet hole
in the ceiling of the house, a constant reminder of how close I was to being
orphaned at 11 years.
My late brother was tortured in the Mangwizi area of Zhombe district, in the
Midlands province when Gukurahundi accused him of being a Silambe Over (a
name given to the Zipra dissidents who were known to always demand food from
homesteads saying “silambe over” (we are very hungry). I have female
relatives who were sexually abused by both the Silambe Overs and
Gukurahundi.
As a journalist, some of my best known assignments were to interview people
who saw their families being killed or were ordered to do the killing. I saw
and reported on numerous mass graves of entire families killed by
Gukurahundi. I witnessed human bones being pulled out of old mineshafts and
wells.
It would simply be unthinkable of me to “justify” Gukurahundi and if anybody
intends to harm me, at least they should know my background over this issue,
not to accuse me on the basis of misinterpreting my writing.
Below is the original article:
Zimbabwe in 2008: What ought to happen versus what will happen
History of hope
Twenty years ago Zimbabwe saved itself from a five-year insurgency – the
so-called Dissident Era – that threatened to plunge the country into a civil
war of the proportions seen in neighbouring Mozambique and in Angola .
True nationalism and patriotism (if somewhat forced in some instances)
prevailed over personal interests when in 1987, then Prime Minister, Robert
Mugabe’s ruling Zanu (PF) party united with its bitter rival, the late
Joshua Nkomo’s PF-Zapu, to form the existing and ruling United Zanu PF party
that went on to form a government of national unity under Mugabe as
president and Nkomo as co-vice president with the late Simon Muzenda.
That unity was by no means perfect but it served the most important purpose
of uniting the nation and redirecting its socio-economic development to
occupy a high perch in regional, continental and even world scales.
This was, of course, until the ill-conceived war veterans’ compensation of
1997; the military misadventure in the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1998
and the ill-fated land redistribution exercise of 2000 and beyond.
There are various reasons why the unity of 1987 was mooted and implemented
but the ultimate realisation was that only Zimbabweans could rescue
themselves from themselves.
If it hasn’t dawned already, it is my submission that the same realisation
must guide the nation to invoke the same spirit of the late 1980s and apply
it in 2008.
Election as a source of renewal
Zimbabwe is scheduled to hold joint presidential and parliamentary elections
in March. The opposition Movement for Democratic Change has made a valid
request – in my view – that the elections be postponed to allow for a number
of provisions to be included. These include reconstituting the voter
registration which has been in shambles for decades now.
It is common, for example; to find on the current register, names of dead
people or citizens like me, who last voted in 2000 and have been out of the
country since 2001. It has often been reported that such “ghost” or
“absentee” registrants have voted, almost entirely for the ruling party.
The opposition also seeks an assurance that all eligible voters will be
allowed to register and exercise their right in a free and fair election
that is monitored by many international observers who are of undisputed
repute. May I also add to this requirement that those outside the country be
allowed to vote. There is an estimated 2-3 million of us, a number to large
to ignore.
Only when reasonable accommodations have been made should the elections be
held. If that happens in March or months later, it will be to the benefit of
the country.
The results of elections held in hopefully accommodative – forget perfect –
conditions, should be accepted by all. There will definitely be winners and
losers but the challenge Zimbabwe faces now cannot be overcome by merely
holding elections and letting winners set about correcting all the wrongs
that have been made. This, I say with obvious knowledge that the likely
winners – even in a near perfect situation – are Zanu PF and cannot,
therefore, be expected to clean up their own mess.
Thus, much as the elections are needed for formality, a government of
national unity would still be necessary because the country has been so
polarized that only a united front will be able to rebuild the crumbling
economy and convince the international community to rally behind a
democratic Zimbabwe .
If this unity is achieved, then its leaders’ first task is to launch a
cleansing exercise to rid the country of its political and socio-economic
rot and to spearhead a diplomatic offensive that should see the West join
China and the rest of the East and Africa to form an investment and aid
beeline to Zimbabwe before the end of 2008.
If Jacob Zuma and Thabo Mbeki can accommodate each other in the ANC and Mwai
Kibaki and Raila Odinga agree to put Kenyan national aspirations ahead of
their personal egos, so should Mugabe, Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur
Mutambara.
In fact, the ongoing SADC-brokered talks between Zanu PF and MDC – which
have already produced a number of positive amendments to the constitution –
should ultimately result in a unity of “national” purpose.
The nightmare that is sad reality
If my submissions above were a dream I hope to come true, here is the
nightmare that is a sad reality.
Elections will go on in March under conditions that favour Zanu PF, that is,
the voter registration will not be updated, exiled Zimbabweans will not be
allowed to vote and some observers will be barred, particularly those from
the West.
The build up to the elections will be violent – as usual, if not worse this
time around – with opposition supporters constituting a majority of victims.
If both factions of the MDC boycott the elections, Zanu PF will help create
one or two fly-by-night parties to legitimize the elections.
Results are forgone really. For President Mugabe and Zanu PF it will be a
case of “as we were comrades”. The opposition will dispute the results and
its supporters will take to the streets.
There will be dead bodies, looting and destruction of property but do not
expect this to reach the scale of the Kenyan violence, both in terms of
human loss and days of rioting. The Zimbabwe security system is better
prepared than the Kenyans. A combination of the Zimbabwe National Army, the
Zimbabwe Republic Police, the Central Intelligence Organisation and the Zanu
PF Youth National Service (Green Bombers) will gang up to thwart any street
protests.
An escalation of violence, if it happens, will be perpetrated by the same
security system in opposition strongholds.
Having consolidated its position as an “elected” government, Zanu PF will
set about to do “business as usual” picking up it’s messing of the economy
from wherever it would have left off before the elections.
Mugabe, buoyed by the election and the unwavering support by the rest of
Africa and other anti-Western forces, will continue to preach his
anti-Britain and America doctrine.
The world, whose attention is constantly distracted by “breaking news” in
other parts of the world, will once again forget the country that once
represented hope in an African continent desperate for recognition as a
region leaving behind its dark past.
Post published in: News