After several decades of colonialism, Zimbabwe became independent in 1980.
Having regard to the progressive antecedent of the leaders of the liberation
movement expectations were high that the country would witness rapid
socio-economic transformation and political stability.
Instead of facing the challenge of the development, President Robert Mugabe
turned the country into a one party state. Human rights were suppressed
whilst some of the colonial laws were refurbished and applied with ferocity.
Many opposition figures were either jailed or driven to exile.
Farmlands, which had been illegally acquired under colonial rule, were
violently seized by war veterans at the instance of the government when the
national parliament controlled by the ZANU-PF could have promoted land
redistribution through legislation. The mismanagement of the economy has led
to the unemployment, poverty, deprivations and general dislocation, which
has virtually brought the country to her, kneels. The silence of African
leaders and connivance of the South African regime led the opposition to
turn to the West.
Ironically, Mugabe’s anti-imperialist rhetoric, in the circumstances, won
him sympathy in many African countries. This development has divided
government and even civil society groups with respect to taking a united
stand against the misrule of President Mugabe.
Recent experiences from Kenya and Zimbabwe illustrate the difficult and
daunting task of consolidating democracy on the continent.
Available evidence indicates that many of the new democratic regimes remain
fragile and some of the euphoria of the early 1990s had evaporated. By the
beginning of the twenty-first century, the authoritarianism and statism of
the early post-independence years was in retreat, and, where it persisted,
was vigorously contested in a context in which democratic aspirations were
firmly implanted in popular consciousness and the pluralization of
associational life was an integral part of the political landscape. It was
indeed a mark of the changed times that, whereas previously development had
been regarded as a prerequisite of democracy, now democracy is seen as
indispensable for development.
The challenges confronting Africa’s democratic experiments are many and
complex and include entrenching constitutionalism and the reconstruction of
the postcolonial state; ensuring that the armed forces are permanently kept
out of politics, instituting structures for the effective management of
natural resources; promoting sustainable development and political
stability; nurturing effective leadership, and safeguarding human rights and
the rule of law.
In Africa, as elsewhere, democratic government and respect for human rights
are closely linked. Democracy is the best means the world has produced to
protect and advance human rights, based on individual freedom and dignity.
In turn, respect for human rights is the only means by which a democracy can
sustain the individual freedom and dignity that enables it to endure.
Despite some improvements in some parts of the continent, Africa remains the
site of very serious human rights problems. For example, in the Sudan, the
armed conflict in Darfur continues and the dismal human rights situation
shows no signs of improvement. Both government and rebels commit horrendous
abuses. In Somalia, the civil war continues unabated and the human rights
situation goes on deteriorating; the civilian population has been the
ultimate victim, as recently reported by Amnesty International. Only a
handful of countries that hold the regular multi-party elections in Africa
are rated as free, and in line with international and regional standards.
In addition, most of the countries in Africa operate `semi- authoritarian
regimes’ because they have the facade of democracy; that is, they have
political systems, they have all the institutions of democratic political
systems, they have elected parliaments, and they hold regular elections.
They have nominally independent judiciaries. They have constitutions that
are by and large completely acceptable as democratic institutions–but there
are, at the same time, very serious problems in the functioning of the
democratic system.
Semi-authoritarian regimes are very good at holding multi-party elections
while at the same time making sure that the core power of the government is
never going to be affected. In other words, they are going to hold
elections, but they are not–the regime is not going to lose those
elections. Semi-authoritarian regimes intimidate voters, as it happened in
the recent elections in Zimbabwe. Semi- authoritarian regimes manipulate
state institutions for self-ends- governments don’t respect the laws, and
don’t work through institutions. Semi-authoritarian regimes amend
constitutions anytime they want.
Semi-authoritarian regimes will not introduce fully participatory,
competitive elections that may result in their loss of power, and some are
even unsure of how far they really want to go toward political pluralism in
their countries. African politics is generally speaking, a matter of
personality, not programs. For example, during the Obasanjo administration
the prevailing idea was that the president was the father of the nation, the
big man, or Kabiyesi, that is, no one dared question him.
A strong and effective democratic process should be able to establish a
functioning administrative structure; and address the issue of how leaders
are chosen; the issue of how different institutions relate to each other;
the issues of how officials should act, for example, how the judiciary
should act, the independence of the judiciary from other branches of
government, and the problem of how the decisions that are taken by these
democratic institutions can be implemented.
To move Africa forward, emerging democratic governments would have to
confront a legacy of poverty, illiteracy, militarization, and
underdevelopment produced by incompetent or corrupt governments. The
syndrome of personal dictatorships and the winner-take-all practice as we
have in Zimbabwe for example would need to be addressed, and there must be
full respect for human rights; constitutional government and the rule of
law; transparency in the wielding of power, and accountability of those who
exercise power.
The basic rule of the democracy game is that the winners do not forever
dislodge the losers. It is important for the consolidation of democracy that
losers believe in the system and think that they can get back into the game.
African governments must create an enabling environment in which traditions
and values of the constitution will be able to take root and where rights
and duties are set out. In this process, the separation of powers must be
facilitated. Government must allow institutions to work and must allow
citizens to exercise their rights, to live in accordance with their
religious beliefs and cultural values, without interference. The legal order
must be based on human rights, societal awareness of the instrumental and
intrinsic values of democracy, a competent state, and a culture of
tolerance.
Democracy requires that those who have authority use it for the public good;
a democratic system of government begins by recognizing that all members of
society are equal. People should have equal say and equal participation in
the affairs of government and decision making in society, because, in the
final analysis, government exists to serve the people; the people do not
exist to serve government. In other words, governments must enhance
individual rights and not stifle their existence. Repressive laws on many
African countries’
statute books against personal liberty and habeas corpus must be removed
from the statute books.
In most African countries, a tremendous amount of information does not
circulate beyond a small portion of the urban population, owing to
illiteracy, language barriers, and costs. Because the individual ignorance
of personal rights and understanding of what democracy means has encouraged
authoritarianism in Africa, political education at the grass roots is
necessary. If a genuine democracy is to become a reality in Africa, the
participation of the masses has to be sought by politicians, and not bought
by manipulators.
Politicians should try to understand what the masses know, because they
sometimes lack the ability to articulate their interests and grievances.
However, politicians also should be educated about human rights and respect
for the constitution. Education is crucial to the development of a culture
of tolerance, which, it is hoped, would contribute immensely to the creation
of an enabling environment for democracy.
We must encourage citizens to learn the habits of civil disobedience on a
massive scale. We must encourage people to go out and demonstrate, to show
their opinion regarding issues, because we must eliminate the culture of
fear.
Role of civil society
It is unrealistic to expect that African countries will suddenly reverse
course without internal pressure from civil society groups and
institutionalize stable democratic government. The significance of a strong
and energetic civil society in the transition to democracy cannot be
over-emphasised. Perhaps one reason that Africa has not crumbled into total
absolutism is because civil society has managed to survive, providing a mode
of expression against authoritarianism, despite systematic efforts by the
state to destroy it.
It is incumbent upon civil society to promote socialization by moving people
away from thinking about the state and encouraging them to think what they
want without fear. The public must fully participate in the affairs of
state, with the state protecting their rights to be recognized. In this
context, the value of the role of citizens and civil society is to organize
and articulate the interests of local communities and the grass roots to the
highest levels-even bringing about the change of laws-by serving as
effective pressure groups.
Many governments are not willing to create an enabling environment.
But by standing up, civil society organizations can insist and force
governments to create a space. We must keep the culture of resistance alive
and continue to question authoritarian rule especially on the important
issues of human rights, constitutionalism and rule of law.
Political parties, human rights organizations and other civil society groups
should mobilize the people to reject economic policies dictated to African
governments by the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund
(IMF), which have exacerbated poverty in Africa. The demand for
participatory democracy should not be limited to conduct of free and fair
elections only. It must also include the management of the economy in the
interest of the people, otherwise, the fragile democratic process in bound
to collapse.
With the pending elections in Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana and Guinea, civil society
organizations in West Africa gathered in this forum should unite in sending
a clear message to the ECOWAS and AU that the subversion of democracy under
whatever guise. Following this meeting, our engagement should be to
immediately commence sensitization and mobilization of the population
against the manipulation of constitutions and electoral laws, as well as the
electoral process.
* Femi Falana is President West African Bar Association
www.pambuka.org
Post published in: News