This is the reason he has been arrested four times within a space of six months. His only crime is that he has the gumption to speak out against injustices meted out to immigrants in South Africa.
The straight-talking Zimbabwean-bred activist is one of the South Africans caught up in the frontline of the xenophobic attacks. As soon as the violence broke out on May 11 2008 in Alexandria, he criss-crossed the country trying to fan out the infernal that claimed 63 lives.
In spite of this, he is adamant South Africans are absolutely not all xenophobic. Like any other group of people they preferred the company of their own ilk. In every country, he says, one generally finds an element of exclusion of immigrants. Usually this is a result of them not being able to speak local languages.
But he says corporate xenophobia, where companies shy away from hiring skilled foreigners, is well and alive. This is the reason most qualified immigrants found solace on the streets, working as waiters, parking assistants, security guards or gardeners.
But Hanekom says the worst forms of hostilities towards foreigners are found in the poorest areas of South Africa, and unfortunately these are black areas. He says xenophobic violence has a business agenda to it, this explains why Somalis have been targeted most. It is akin to the taxi wars fought on many fronts in South Africa.
The high volume-low margin modus operandi employed by Somalis was a bone of contention. Local informal traders contend that such business practices undercut them. This frustration inevitably leads to blood being spilt.
But Somali traders argue that: we sell at fair prices to fellow poor people. According to the Somali Association, 600 of their nationals have been murdered in South Africa since 1998.
Racial dynamics are also responsible for the number of attacks on Somalis. They have lighter skins; speak Afrikaans better than English and are predominantly muslims.
South Africans are not xenophobic but immigrants have put pressure on poor South Africans, who are struggling to compete with the well-spoken, educated foreigners, who boast a good command of English most township folk can’t match. Frustration with the increasing number of immigrants has led to a hardening of attitudes, states Hanekom.
Cape Town recorded the lowest casualties, less than five deaths, as the disturbances here were confined to looting.
The bad guys
Hanekom fingers the Department of Home Affairs as the most xenophobic, for their failure to document illegal immigrants. This creates second-class citizens in our midst – the undocumented foreigners. They are then branded illegal immigrants. Furthermore, the department’s decision to deport 30 000 immigrants monthly, is the worst form of bureaucratic violence’. The department demonstrates its bias by openly working with communities in flushing out foreign nationals.
His organisation has successfully lobbied government into increasing the number of new cases processed by home affairs from 20 to 300 daily. PASSOP, an activism and advocacy group, has also pressurised government into providing healthcare to all foreigners as stipulated in the Refugees Act NO. 130 of 1998. They were taking government to court over exemption certificates, of which only 6 000 have been issued out of 15 000.
While the poorest of the poor have been singled out as architects of xenophobia, they are not alone. The SA media, police and home affairs have consistently been cited for having blood on their hands.
Hanekom reiterates that the Department of Home Affairs was responsible for making people illegal; pointing out that it takes as many as 40 trips for one to get processed. Out of desperation, many others spend sleepless nights in the open, hoping to get ahead of the endless queues at dawn.
He says it is inhumane to subject people to such elements. The way around this predicament was to quadruple resources at Refugee Reception Centres, and imposing a six- month moratorium on deportations until the backlog was cleared.
By deporting Zimbabweans, home affairs was sending people back into the firing line, emphasises Hanekom.
Police are also complicity to xenophobia. They refuse to open dockets when complainants are foreigners, and in extreme cases people get deported for reporting crime.
The media was fantastic prior to the attacks- particularly white media – but tabloids such as the Daily Sun demonised foreigners. However, progressive media’s good work was sullied by a drive to outdo each other in selling copies. They went out of their way to expose such attacks; to the extent the media unwittingly marketed these atrocities, according to Hanekom.
He reckons the media turned what was a regional issue into a national disaster. By splashing that image of a burning Mozambican man across front pages and TV screens, the media ignited the spark that engulfed the nation.
The media sensationalised that picture unnecessarily; as such are guilty of monopolising the issue. It was so big a story that they didn’t bother about the consequences of their coverage, he adds. However, he says, the media has made up for its over-zealousness by its commendable performance in the aftermath of the calamity.
The sudden rush of blood to their heads was too strong to resist at the height of the attacks, snaps Hanekom.
He says there are many angels among the ranks of the police too. At the peak of the vicious attacks, a good number of police officers put their lives on the line. Western Cape Town Police Commissioner Mzwandile Petros set up a safety forum at once. Police response in Du Noon was swift.
Civil Society put up a united front, with the TAC orchestrating operations, which included provision of overnight shelters for the displaced. Government did their utmost to contain the violence but it was too little too late. People had perished, 39 000 more displaced.
Refugee camps
The idea of Refugee Camps is extremely complicated. It is an option that the Democratic Alliance, who are always receptive to this suggestion, entertains all the time, says Hanekom. However, the other side of the coin needed to be looked at. Such a scheme would have to accommodate unemployed South Africans, until such time they are able to get back on their own feet.
But foreigners are poorer and until they are issued Refugee Status, they are vulnerable to bureaucratic attacks from state apparatus. Despite the odds, they are capable individuals who have perfected the art of survival. With little assistance at their disposal, they normally integrate quickly.
Because foreigners provide unfair competition in the job market to local people, our government needs to consider uplifting the SADC. This takes political will on the part of leaders of our region.
But there is still need for some basic assistance for new arrivals, which should be inclusive of vulnerable South Africans. On the whole, we do not want refuge camps because they are terrible things, explains Hanekom.
Never again
To avoid a recurrence of these disturbances in future, civil society, religious leaders, NGOs, all need to take a strong stand towards integration, with the inclusion of foreigners in local structures. For starters, there are no refugees working for the police
School children were among those involved in attacking foreigners. This tells us that there is room for our school curriculum to teach oneness. We are one people, declares Hanekom.
He goes on to say, in the same way that the African National Congress (ANC) was open to everyone with an affinity for SA, refugees needed to be represented in some of the country’s political structures. This could add value as political inclusion makes sense in light of the fact that 5% of our population comprises foreigners.
In the same breath, we should educate foreigners about the difficulties poor South Africans face. It is the minority that has to integrate with the majority, states Hanekom.
He says perceptions that foreigners are synonymous with crime are exaggerated, in that the real culprits behind drug dealing and organised crime are never brought to book. It is out of sheer desperation that a small number of foreigners take to petty crimes. The tendency by South Africans to blame many of the country’s ills on foreigners is a ruse to deviate attention from their own misdeeds.
Sentiment on the ground is mixed. There is disgruntlement, frustrations, confusion and desperation on the part of victims. But there is also hope.
Hanekom describes the role played by people on the ground as exceptional. Security guards at Cape Town station went beyond the call of duty. At their own discretion, they shielded fleeing foreigners from further attacks by sheltering them overnight.
The guards were so overcome with emotion that they were crying, it was very touching to see, he charges.
At the end of the day, there is a very thin line between xenophobia and prejudice. Just the other day, my spouse labelled me xenophobic. My crime? I dislike Nigerian movies. I call them home videos – just that.
You be the judge.
Post published in: Opinions