A sliver of light is shining in Zimbabwe, the once star nation in
Africa that has been brutally mismanaged by dictator Robert Mugabe.
This week, Mugabe’s rival, Morgan Tsvangirai, is expected to become
prime minister in a new power-sharing government. Few give the deal
much hope, yet it must be given the opportunity to succeed. How big an
opportunity?
Africa’s leaders, as voiced by the 53-member African Union, say the new
unity government is cause for the international community to lift
sanctions on Zimbabwe. Now’s the time, it argues, to help to its feet a
country staggering under hyperinflation and near-total joblessness,
hunger and severe health problems – including a cholera epidemic.
Not so fast, caution the United States and European Union. They’re
lukewarm to the new political arrangement, and want to see proof of
power-sharing and effective governance before they’ll ease sanctions.
But doing nothing also leaves Tsvangirai with nothing – no leverage to
succeed, and probably more likely to fail than if he had at least some
tangible outside help to rely on. Small, targeted steps can be taken
that are short of ending sanctions.
Western diplomats are right that this big move is premature. Mugabe, in
power for nearly 30 years, stubbornly remains president, and he has a
long history of broken promises.
He did not deliver on free or fair elections last year, when he lost to
Tsvangirai and his MDC. Neither has he allowed the free flow of
humanitarian aid to desperate Zimbabweans – instead blaming the West
for the country’s problems. And while Mugabe signed the power-sharing
deal last September, it broke down over the divvying up of ministries
and arrests of opposition figures.
Tsvangirai had hoped to at least gain control of the police (Mugabe
gets the Army); he’s since been forced to accept joint command. Other
factors bode ill for a unity government. Tsvangirai is considered
feckless by some, and his party unprepared to govern. The one outside
power that could truly apply pressure to Mugabe, neighboring South
Africa, shirks from crossing a man still recognized for his role as
liberator from white rule.
Still, while the West may be justified in its distrust of this deal, it
is one that Tsvangirai has chosen – and the only option for now. What
the West can and should do is publicly offer limited humanitarian
assistance to Tsvangirai, channelled through the ministries that the
opposition in theory will control. Food, medical assistance, and
temporary shelter could be funnelled through the health ministry, for
instance.
The West should demand accountability along with this help, then be
willing to pull the plug if the aid is blocked by Mugabe and his
supporters, or diverted to them – as it has been in the past. With such
a strategy, Tsvangirai has something to work with, and, if he can
deliver, perhaps show even Mugabe’s supporters that he’s the one to
back. A unity government in Zimbabwe may last only weeks. But the West
should do what it can to hasten success – not failure.