Tsvangirai has repeatedly downplayed the threat of irreconcilable
differences between himself and Mugabe on the future of Zimbabwe's
three-month-old coalition government, often coming to the defence of
his rival and imploring the international community not to vilify the
long-serving Zimbabwean leader.
While acknowledging deep-seated problems within the unity government,
the Premier has publicly pretended all was nicely coming together and
that there was no need for panic.
But, as they say, action speaks louder than words.
Blatant contempt
The situation on the ground tells a very different story and even
points to blatant contempt of the Prime Minister by Mugabe and a group
of hardliners in his Zanu (PF) party not keen on seeing a successful
coalition government.
Analysts noted that, much as Tsvangirai wanted to portray a semblance
of normalcy within the unity government, events over the past few weeks
belied his confidence in the efficacy of the coalition arrangement.
One just has to look at some of the utterances and actions by Zanu
(PF) functionaries, including war veterans, to see how much the
hardliners disrespect and want to discredit Tsvangirai and the MDC,
Masvingo State University lecturer Takavafira Zhou said last week.
Members of Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party and
other perceived Mugabe critics continue to be arrested or harassed in
violation of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) signed by the
85-year-old leader, the Prime Minister and Arthur Mutambara of a
breakaway MDC faction.
Key reforms
Analysts say the unity government has yet to make key reforms
guaranteeing political and media freedoms, highlighted by last Monday's
arrest of editors from the privately run Zimbabwe Independent as well
as that of prominent human rights lawyer Alec Muchadehama.
Three months after the formation of the new government, Mugabe is
refusing to budge on resolving outstanding GPA issues, including
appointments of central bank governor, Attorney General, permanent
secretaries and provincial governors.
Violence has continued on white-owned farms while the police continue
to use trumped-up terrorism charges to harass more than 30 MDC
activists accused of trying to topple Mugabe last year.
According to University of Zimbabwe (UZ) political science professor
John Makumbe, Tsvangirai has unwittingly allowed himself to be used as
Mugabe's car-wash boy and should be careful not to end up with egg on
his face after publicly defending the long-serving leader.
Car-wash boys
While Tsvangirai and the MDC are breaking their backs to defend
Mugabe, they are being used by the same man as car-wash boys who will
clean up his international image as a reformed dictator, Makumbe told
The Zimbabwean On Sunday.
The UZ professor said Tsvangirai's defence of Mugabe would do very
little to convince a sceptical donor community that the despotic leader
has indeed changed and should be trusted to co-habit with his sworn
enemy.
He said the best thing that the world would want is to see Mugabe go
and, if that doesn't happen, then there should be a drastic change of
policy.
That is where the MDC has disappointed a lot of people, including
those with the money to turnaround this economy. Rather than use their
combined leverage in parliament to effect changes to the laws that
Mugabe has continued to use to stifle dissenting voices, they are busy
defending those harassing them, Makumbe said.
Repeal laws
He noted that with more than half of the seats in the House of
Assembly, the two MDC factions should push for a repeal of the Access
to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), Public Order and
Security Act (POSA), Broadcasting Services Act and other laws that have
been used to detain Mugabe's opponents.
Rather than wait for the next two years while the new constitution is
being drafted, they could immediately cause the repeal of those laws
that don't need a two-thirds majority to be repealed and in the same
breath take away the ammunition that Mugabe is using to stifle
opposition to his rule, the professor said.
The new Zimbabwe government has set an 18-month target in which to
develop a new democratic constitution resulting in the holding of fresh
elections in 2011.
Although sections of AIPPA and POSA were repealed in January 2008
following a constitutional amendment, the government has continued to
use the laws to arrest journalists and other human rights defenders.
As Tsvangirai has noted during the launch of the government's 100-day
revival plan last Wednesday, wide-ranging political reforms and
unresolved GPA issues stand between Zimbabwe and the elusive donor
funds.
Revival plan
Under the plan, the new Zimbabwe government committed itself to
reviving the country's economic fortunes by removing all impediments to
investment, including restoring sanity in the agriculture sector which
has been hit by a fresh wave of farm invasions.
Its success would, however, depend on Zimbabwe's ability to attract international aid and foreign investors.
The country has so far managed to secure about US$1 billion in lines of
credit from African countries and institutions and still requires more
than US$7 billion more to effectively respond to the challenges it is
facing.
Economic Planning Minister Elton Mangoma said the aid received so far
would be used to revive Zimbabwe’s industries, currently operating
below 10 percent capacity due to foreign currency shortages, a hostile
operating environment and government price controls.
A further US$1 billion is required to fund government operations until
the end of the year, including wages for restive civil servants.
Donors are waiting for the right cue from Mugabe before coming in with
their money and are not prepared to gamble with their cash to fund an
unreformed despot – no matter what Tsvangirai wants the world to
believe.