However, is Zimbabwe really ready for a free and fair election? An investigative assessment of the situation in Goromonzi, a rural district southeast of Zimbabwe, suggests it is not.
Home to torture bases that date back to the colonial era and an epicentre of politically-sanctioned violence, Goromonzi mirrors the political situation in Zimbabwe.
The trauma of the 2008 run-off election taught locals not to trust strangers. They are tense and do not easily open up to those they do not know. One of the few outspoken villagers, activist Bopoto Nyandoro, was severely brutalized by police in 2005 for taking part in a demonstration that demanded a democratic constitution. Despite winning in court, Nyandoro is yet to be compensated for the severe injuries he sustained during the 2005 assault.
Food aid is still being politicized here. Some voters, who were displaced in 2008, are unable to return to their homes and victims of political violence are still angry about the treatment they received at the CIO farm and from fellow villagers aligned to Zanu (PF).
Gertrude Mushonga, 62, had her houses burnt during the 2002 and 2005 elections and her son was seriously injured by gun shots in the run up to the June 2008 presidential run-off election.
“Elections to us mean fleeing to the bush and mountains with my grandchildren as we are hunted out of our homes,” she said.
Borden Mushonga, who contested as a councillor in 2008 on an MDC ticket, is afraid his party’s members will be victimized again in the next elections.
“Without comprehensive electoral and political reforms, we are certainly heading for more trouble,” he said. “Structures used as polling stations in some wards are building on farms owned by war veterans (aligned to Zanu (PF)). Voters’ security is compromised due to such factors,” Mushonga said.
Patience Chikomo, who escaped death when a bullet missed her in 2008, is haunted by the persecution she suffered.
“What I went through is scary. I met three guys who told me they were looking for Borden Mushonga. When I told them that I did not know of his whereabouts, they asked me to follow them to their car.
“I got suspicious and ran for my life. They fired shots at me but failed to knock me down because of the steepness of the slope,” he said.
Chikomo later sought refuge in Harare and only went back to Goromonzi in 2009.
Another displaced victim, Dick Choga (not his real name), is scared that his assailants are still walking free. Like many other youths who fled their rural homes in the wake of electoral violence, he now spends most of his time at the MDC Headquarters in Harare where he sells pirated DVDs for a living.
“Most of the 2008 violence and intimidation activities were reported to the police but no dockets were opened and the culprits still roam free,” said Gilbert Mupota, another Goromonzi villager.
MP for Goromonzi North, Paddy Zhanda, claimed there were no cases of violence and intimidation in his area.
“There are no cases of political violence in my constituency. The Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (was even impressed when they visited my constituency,” he said.
Though acknowledging Zhanda’s calls for peaceful co-existence, Goromonzi villagers’ content that he has no power to stop political violence.
“Our MP has told us to shun violence but we are yet to see if his words will be of any effect, come election time,” said Sheila Rutsito, a villager.
Zimbabwe Peace Project Director, Jestina Mukoko, confirmed that people in Goromonzi were still afraid of elections.
“There is a need to embark on an intensive national healing programme before elections. People at grassroots level must also be extensively engaged through non-partisan voter education. Without this, the talk of elections can only lead us to another disputed election,” she said.
Post published in: Analysis