Land reform still unclear 15 years on

The controversial land “reform” programme was not only marred by casualties but benchmarked the demise of the country’s bread basket status. Fifteen years on, the ruling party is still grappling with disputed land distribution, reports KENNETH MATIMAIRE.

ZCFU interim chairperson Christopher Zinhara.
ZCFU interim chairperson Christopher Zinhara.

The widely-condemned policy resulted in violent farm invasions led by war veterans and Zanu (PF) supporters, who have displaced hundreds of commercial farmers and thousands of farm workers since 2000.

The policy benefited mostly Zanu (PF)’s inner circle – top officials in the government, army and police, who now own multiple farms. Fifteen years down the line, the country is still rocked by endless farm invasions – with the same land often being invaded by different groups on several occasions.

Over 30 commercial farmers were evicted from their farms last year alone. While the land grab was initially characterised by invasions of white farms, the chaotic policy has taken a new twist as properties now occupied by blacks, are facing the same fate.

Several Zanu (PF) politicians and supporters have become victims of the very same policy they benefited from more than a decade ago. As a result of this land grab yoyo, government is still stuck in the policy’s early stage of land allocation.

Former Zanu (PF) Mashonaland East provincial chairperson Ray Kaukonde, ex-Provincial Affairs Minister Kudakwashe Bhasikiti and axed politburo member Didymus Mutasa are among the political heavyweights threatened with invasion at their respective farms.

Fresh wave

The fresh wave of invasions appears to be targeting Zanu (PF) members believed to be sympathetic to axed vice president Joice Mujuru. Buhera South legislator Joseph Chinotimba last month orchestrated the invasion of a Chipinge farm on behalf of his son, Edwin. The 300 hectare farm was owned by former mining executive Collen Gura who acquired it from Vince Cugnet in 2005.

Observers say this is a clear indication that the principle of the policy was never what it was purported to be – “redistribute land occupied by white farmers to landless peasant farmers.”

There have been divergent views over how the Zanu (PF) government should deal with villagers who have invaded and settled in plantations and estates. Some party stalwarts have vociferously called for the eviction of all illegally settled villagers– a move that met with resistance in the highly divided party, thereby prolonging the finalisation of the programme.

“We will not allow anybody to allocate themselves land illegally. Those days are over. If you didn’t get land when we were doing jambanja, you can’t jambanja now. If you do so, you are a criminal,” Environment Minister Saviour Kasukuwere charged last year.

Shot down

Kasukuwere’s remarks were shot down by Indigenisation Minister Chris Mushohwe, who threatened unspecified action against authorities who attempt to evict settled villagers.

Agricultural experts have slammed government for wasting over a decade – when focus should have shifted to production and income generation.

Zimbabwe Commercial Farmers Union interim chairperson Christopher Zinhara said it was unacceptable that government still did not have a clear land reform roadmap 15 years after taking the farms. “We have lost too much time. By now we should have been somewhere. We should have been talking about filling up the reserves of the GMB (Grain Marketing Board). We should focus on setting up targets and achieving them,” said Zinhara.

He said the country could not continue to record an average maize production of 800 kg per hectare against maximum potential of 18 tonnes over a decade after the land “reform”.

Lower yields

In 2000, Zimbabwean farms produced 3,7 million tonnes of output (excluding estate-grown sugar). In 2012, the Finance Ministry estimated output at less than half that (1,7 million tonnes) while the 2013 season recorded a 20 percent fall in plantings that resulted in much lower yields.

Food and livestock production (excluding beef) collapsed from three million tonnes in 2000 to 1,3 million tonnes in 2012, with cereal output down 55 percent at 1,1 million tonnes.

Prior to the land resettlement, the country was largely self-sufficient in foodstuffs and a substantial exporter of farm produce – but now spends millions on imports. In 2011, government spent $650 million on food imports – a figure that increased to $731 million in 2012.

Though the tobacco industry is said to have generated over $600 million during the last season, ZCFU is of the view that the boom came at the expense of the environment.

Zimbabwe Coffee Mill managing director Josphat Rushinga indicated that during the fast track land reform, government rushed to allocate productive farms to inexperienced settlers. He said farmers who were resettled in commercial farms cut down coffee tress in preparation of maize or wheat production, which was detrimental to the sector.

Very vocal

“At the peak of the land reform, we were very vocal. For the coffee farms that were being taken over, we wanted government to consider experienced (communal) farmers but they had their own ways and direction on land reform,” he lamented.

This has seen government backtracking and threatening to repossess and redistribute underutilised farms. In a bid to flush out such elements, government has proposed a move to evict settled farmers without land permits. This is likely to result in mass evictions as resettled farmers were not given any paperwork during the chaotic land grab.

It is against this backdrop that ZCFU demanded government to finalise the land reform issue in order for the agricultural sector to become productive.

“We ask for the finalisation of the land reform,” said Zinhara. “It’s unfortunate that 15 years after we (Zimbabwe) started the land reform, we still have families that are labelled illegal settlers. This has to be settled. If they have to be there then they have to be given paperwork and if they are not supposed to be there, they must be moved.”

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