MDC split – the numbers game

ions by the two camps of violation of the original MDC constitution, as well as illegal existence and operation. A list of former national council and executive members who held positions in the original MDC and how they joined the two camps reveals that the Tsvangirai faction has more than 60% on its side in both instances.
The Mutambara faction was followed by a lesser number of both national council and national executive members and has been further hit by defections, which have reduced its share of members from the original leadership to below 40%. The MDC national council as per the attendance at the October 12, 2005 meeting comprised 76 members, including those who also held positions in the national executive. To date, the Tsvangirai faction has 48 of those whilst 28 are with the Mutambara faction, representing a percentage share of 63% and 37% respectively.
The national executive comprised 36 members, 23 of which remained with the Tsvangirai faction whilst 13 are on the Mutambara side. These figures represent a 64% share of the original executive members on the former side and 36% for the latter.
National council members who were non-executive position holders that remained with the Tsvangirai faction are 25 whilst 15 broke away with the Welshman Ncube led team that went on to establish another faction after the fall-out over the contentious issue of whether or not the party had to participate in the 2005 senate elections.
The original MDC had 12 provinces out of the 12 provincial chairpersons seven are on the Tsvangirai side whilst five are with the Mutambara faction. Although having suffered defections since the split, the Mutambara faction was already at a disadvantage on numbers right at the time of the split, on the same 60-40 ratio.
As revealed in this paper recently, although the senate project became the final straw, fissures had developed within the young opposition party over a couple of years, centred on bitter power struggles pitting founding president, Tsvangirai against a group led by Ncube.
There has also been debate and counter accusations between the two factions regarding violations of the original MDC constitution, culminating in a court battle for the right to be acknowledged at the “real” MDC by both sides-which the Mutambara grouping lost. On the basis of the distribution of national council and national executive members after the split, the Tsvangirai faction had enough numbers required by the party constitution for holding meetings and passing resolutions whilst the other faction did not.
The MDC constitution required a quorum of 50% for the national executive, and that is 18 members, as well as a quorum of 50% (plus 1 member) for the national council, which amounted to 39 members. In that case, the Tsvangirai faction could hold national executive or national council meetings but on the other hand Ncube’s side could be deemed to be operating illegally in as far as they claimed and insisted on ownership of the original identity and constitution of the original MDC – unless they could effect a constitutional amendment.
Further taking the argument, the Ncube group couldn’t even make the necessary constitutional amendment because of its shortfalls in constituting quorums for both the national executive and national council under the original MDC constitution. That also applies to the roping in of former student leader, Arthur Mutambara to lead the faction, or holding of a congress where a new leadership structure was established.
However, the Ncube camp amended the original MDC constitution, the same as did the Tsvangirai grouping, in the aftermath of the split basically for either side to cater for the new situation as well as provide themselves with an operating framework. – Next week we provide interesting details about the “Third Force” of Jonathan Moyo and company, which was almost launched by elements from Zanu (PF) and the MDC had Emmerson Mnangagwa not developed cold feet.