Kate Hoey is a Labour MP and chairman of the aIl-party parliamentary group
on Zimbabwe
For all his denigration of the British on the world stage, Robert Mugabe is
very attached to our way of doing things at Westminster.
Sadly, it is only the pomp and ceremony that attends the opening of
Parliament he likes. He attends his Parliament in an open-topped vintage
Rolls-Royce, escorted by mounted lancers resplendent in colonial-style pith
helmets and with his consort beside him. He has dispensed with all the
tiresome bits: fair elections, open debate, free media and open association.
Opposition MPs who criticise him are viciously assaulted by the security
forces, detained and charged with treason. Members of his own Zanu Party and
the armed forces who show signs of disloyalty have a noticeable tendency to
die in motor accidents.
Ruthlessness towards political opponents has always been Mugabe’s hallmark.
The international community was so keen to buy into his self-portrayal as
the magnanimous and conciliatory statesman that it turned a blind eye to
incidents such as the murder – in a ‘car crash’ – of Josiah Tongorara,
commander of the Zanu military wing Zanla, only six days after the signing
of the Lancaster House Agreement in 1979. Far more seriously; it ignored
the19805 Gukurahundi massacre of 20,000 so-called dissidents in
Matabeleland.
The principal donor nations, the UK and USA, are portrayed as villains even
though we provide food aid to keep millions of Zimbabweans alive in a
country where agriculture has been systematically destroyed as a means of
political control. African leaders, mesmerised by the myth Mugabe has
created of himself as the liberator and father of Zimbabwe, scramble to
protect him.
Mugabe’s skill has been to maintain the facade of functioning democratic
institutions and rule of law. He can afford to do that because he knows he
can crack down with an iron fist when any real threat to his power shows
signs of momentum. As with any bully, he doesn’t need to resort to violence;
the reputation for violence is enough to cow the desperate population into
submission. Yet somehow, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions continues to
mobilise resistance to the regime with great international solidarity from
Cosatu in South Africa and our own TUC.
Keeping together a democratic and non-violent opposition in a despotic state
that has at its disposal the untrammelled forces of the army, police and
youth militia has been a magnificent achievement on the part of Morgan
Tsvangirai, the leader of the mainstream MDC opposition. International
commentators lecture opposition groups saying they must present a united
front, however artificial it might be. Surely Zimbabweans deserve democracy,
not a one-party state nor a one-party opposition.
ZanuPF itself is more divided than ever. I’m not really interested in which
faction leader is in the ascendant. In my view, all the senior members of
the ZanuPF line-up have been too closely involved and complicit in Mugabe’s
reign of terror to be able to play any part in rebuilding Zimbabwe. What we
want for Zimbabwe is democracy, so that the people of Zimbabwe can decide
who they want in government.
It remains to be seen whether the mediation process facilitated by President
Mbeki at the request of SA DC leads anywhere or is just another ploy to buy
time for Mugabe and continue wearing down the opposition. Nothing in
Mugabe’s past, and the continuing violence being meted out to the MDC,
suggests that he is ready to give up power. But the economic position of the
country is dire and his ability to fall back on state resources and play
along game is running out.
The prime minister’s refusal to take part in the EU-Africa summit if it
means sitting down with Mugabe is very welcome. The African Union should
stop protecting Mugabe. Only then will we be able to believe the commitments
they made to good governance and democracy at Gleneagles.
Post published in: News