Scepticism, apprehension and sheer doubt will characterise not only the majority of Zimbabweans at home and abroad, but many other onlookers in the international community.
I do not want to speculate on the merits of the deal, save to say that if, in their wisdom, the combined leadership of the opposition saw the deal fit for their signature, I believe it must be. And being the elected representatives that they are, and their clarity about what was acceptable before the finalisation of the talks, I am prepared to fully trust their judgment. The deal may not be perfect, but I am sure it will be workable.
The rest of the opposition ranks will need to appreciate the idea of compromise for the sake of progress. As we move forward, other dynamics will undoubtedly fine-tune the shape of this animal called the transitional government of national Unity (GNU).
Similarly for Zanu (PF). I am sure there are a lot of concessions they had to make and therefore considerable loss of face and influence. On that score, their representatives, including President Mugabe, must be commended for coming to some agreement. I am sure they have their challenges convincing their constituencies that what they have committed to is the best they could salvage, under the circumstances, and is enough raw material to build on into the future.
The agreement has indeed thrown Zanu (PF) a lifeline as a party. Any losses they may incur now will be nothing compared to the total loss they would have suffered if a proper election had been allowed to prevail.
[xhead]No marriage is easy
The scepticism of the electorate, however, is about whether this marriage can stand the turbulence, rising from disgruntled party hawks and powermongers and the general undermining, back-biting and trap-laying that characterise such a volatile workplace. The first step, hopefully, has been taken in ensuring that every detail of the operations has been built into the agreement.
My real concern is the level of commitment in the face of such opposition, particularly by the MDC. I want to say that, whereas boycotting could have been a useful weapon as the opposition, let this strategy be put away. Now they have put their hands on the levers of power. How much leverage they have will depend on how smooth they will be as operators, but like any marriage that ultimately stands, let this one not be one characterised by threats of: If it’s not working, I will walk…
Many Zimbabweans want these principals and their parties to have 200 per cent commitment, to be genuinely focused on getting Zimbabwe to work again. None of us expects it to be easy, but then again no marriage is.
We are told by the mediator that both parties signed this agreement without reservations. I hope they also built into it ways of dealing with breach or deviations by either party from the provisions of the agreement.
But more importantly, we as the electorate shall therefore hold all parties to the agreement equally accountable to its outcome. We shall not entertain any premature withdrawals from it; we really do not have that kind of luxury considering the ground we have to cover towards the total recovery of this beautiful nation.
In that light, I would also like Mr Mbeki or another eminent person to avail himself in a continued advisory role up to and until successful, democratic elections are conducted and a popular government is in power. By agreeing to a referee like that beforehand, when the antagonism rears its head, there will be a pre-agreed resolution path.
[xhead]What about the electorate?
The other development – unlikely but possible – is that Zanu (PF) and MDC factions will henceforth sup from the same dish. The long spoons they previously used may be thrown away. They may all take delivery of those 4×4 luxury vehicles, Mercs and government houses, complete with gardeners and cooks. They may soon wonder what we mean when we say we have no mealie-meal.
In other words, the GNU may be too successful that it becomes another Zanu-Zapu marriage. Remember these people have been at each other’s throats for way too long and they can be forgiven for seeking more common ground than the uncommon. In that case, what happens to the electorate, to the povo?
Well, if that happens and yet the coalition delivers tangible progress for the average, common man (aptly described by my erstwhile lecturer as the man on the Chitungwiza bus), we may not mind; depending of course on the constitution this coalition will deliver to us.
Our constitution must contain enough safeguards to prevent the failure of governance ever again in Zimbabwe. From there on, the constitution, with limited terms of office for presidency, should naturally take care of our interests.
Meanwhile, another safeguard might be the arising of a new opposition party. Dr Makoni’s project pops into mind, although at times it’s doubtful if this man takes himself or Zimbabweans seriously.
I mean, why has this man stayed away from the talks? In my humble opinion, if he had made himself a factor, he should have been getting into this GNU as one of the deputy prime ministers.
To me, he has the potential and clout to form an effective opposition but lacks seriousness and consistency such as that displayed by Prime Minister Tsvangirai in opposition politics. Shumba? Hmmm. Chiota? Hmmm.
[xhead]Tangible gains like jobs and food
In conclusion, firstly I urge us all to allow for healing, particularly of the trauma of the past few years. We may not afford persecution and prosecution of those that caused us grief, but maybe a Truth and Reconciliation Commission shall be necessary, with apologies for any violations of human rights. Only those not prepared to stand before such a Commission should then defend themselves in a court of law.
Secondly, I urge us to believe. Let us believe this arrangement will work. Let it not be doomed from inception because of our negativity, lest it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. Let us allow it to deliver a new dispensation of politics.
Zimbabweans are tolerant by nature. When we vote next time, I pray that ideological differences will be gone; we must have consensus on things like land and the economy by then. The language of puppets of the west’ or the rhetoric of we gave you liberation’ by then must be gone.
We must all be Zimbabweans, with the same convictions, beliefs and ideologies by then. For me, this would be the greatest achievement of a transitional GNU, where our democracy moves from these peripheral issues of ideology to one where competition among parties is on what tangible gains they can deliver to the electorate, such as jobs, food, houses, lower taxes, transport, business and so on; not intangible, inedible ones like sovereignty’ et al.
Nuture our agriculture and steer Zimbabwe to prosperity
Sorting out the country’s farming debacle is an urgent step, indispensable for economic recovery, says A. Derembwe.
September 11, not the infamous and painful one of 2001 but 2008, will remain a permanent imprint on the minds of not only the resilient Zimbabweans but all peace-loving Africans and the world at large.
The eventual political settlement between MDC and Zanu (PF) heralds a new era of optimism and prosperity in the country. The apparent stalling of the power-sharing negotiations was but a pseudo-hurdle to the dawn of a rejuvenated African giant.
With its ample and superior natural resources, Zimbabwe’s flourishing economy has been hindered only by political wrangling for almost two decades.
The country is blessed with some of the best farming land, and abundant deposits of assorted foreign currency-earning minerals. Notwithstanding these natural gifts, Zimbabwe’s outstanding human resource bank and the rich social capital, unparalleled in the region, if not the world, provide the most efficient engine for the economic development vehicle.
Once revered as the bread-basket of Africa, for its outstanding ability to produce food crops in excess, not mentioning the world’s major cash crops such as tobacco and cotton, Zimbabwe has deteriorated into a country of chronic food shortages and a perennial importer of basic food stuffs, and is a needy recipient of donor aid.
The ailing agricultural sector, battered by the malevolent, recurrent droughts, a phenomenon of the ever-evolving global weather pattern, and the ill-planned and administered land reform, have rendered the population sheer beggars, who seemingly can barely fill their own tummies.
[xhead]Catapult the economy
But with judicious planning and benevolent intervention, Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector presents a strong backbone to remedying this depressed economy. A resuscitated farming sector will undoubtedly catapult the economy to a vantage step on the ladder of development. It is therefore imperative that the incoming collective leadership prioritise revamping the most important organ of the economy (agriculture) in their bid to effect positive growth.
Land reform is, of course, an undisputed process crucial for the rectification of the inequitable, skewed land ownership situation (a legacy of the ruthless, selfish and greedy colonial masters) and requires scrutinisation.
It is widely believed that the process employed in the speedily implemented land reform in Zimbabwe has had more negative than positive repercussions on productivity. The politically motivated haste with which the reform projects were administered meant prolonged incubation devoid of results.
Without clear objectives, adequate resources and time devoted to an organised reform programme, agriculture became an undeserving victim of political debauchery. Ill-equipped and subsistence-oriented peasants were dumped on productive soils, which they could barely utilise, let alone eke out a decent living. While, the few politically networked individuals have had excessive support rendered to their ventures, though unscrupulously.
Compounded by the ever-deteriorating political instability, new farmers have been rendered sheer land occupiers with very little ability to produce any substantial crop and animal yields. In fact, most of these farmers have unfortunately become worse-off subsequent to resettlement. They have become helplessly vulnerable to abject poverty and food insecurity.
[xhead]Support for resettled farmers
Urgent reorganisation and holistic support are imperative in order to stimulate farming in Zimbabwe. Resettled farmers require relevant and adequate support lest their enterprises fail to realise sizeable returns or break-even.
Without high returns, any agricultural enterprise is overwhelmed by the costs of production, rendering it unviable and unsustainable. This has been the latent feature of most, if not all, of the new farmers in Zimbabwe.
Sustainable resettlement and farming require committed political, social and financial exertion on the part of the reigning government. In spite of the so-called betrayal by the colonial master, Britain (who declined, in principle, to fund the chaotic and non-transparent land reform process), Zimbabwean leaders should live up to the ideals of a developmental state and steer the nation on the right trajectory.
In infancy, farmers’ businesses need to be nurtured through generous government support, since credit providers usually shun the risk of poor loan repayments. Timely and accurate dissemination of relevant farming knowledge, capital injections and product disposal support are essential.
Rejuvenation of the Zimbabwean economy hinges on a vibrant agricultural sector and its reorganisation and support are vital.