A young cog in a revolutionary machine

I was approached by the late Motsi Chanakira one afternoon in 1999, while passing time playing cards with some girls in Dombotombo. He asked us if it was not a better idea to kill time plotting the ultimate fall of dictatorship in the country. His suggestion touched my heart and I asked him how I could take part in the struggle for democracy.

He said he would introduce me and a friend, the late Ester Janha (22), to other gallant activists at meetings held in bushes, as the struggle had a crucial role for little girls of my age. I was further encouraged by Samuel Kamundarira, Boniface Tagwireyi, the late John Dhewa and others.

Standing slightly over 1.40 meters tall, with a pencil slim body, no one suspected I could be part of a revolutionary wheel that would ultimately crush Africas most arrogant despot. I was among the first cadres to paste MDC posters along highways, rural areas and in urban settlements. The exercise was risky but worth dying for. The struggle had begun. Bush meetings continued in earnest and Zanu (PF) started having nightmares and sleepless nights.

Zanus ship sails

At party rallies, Mugabe described us as day dreamers. He told his short sighted followers that Morgan Tsvangirai would never be in government let alone rule this country. I felt pity for the old man and found it difficult to understand why Mugabe, despite his so called degrees, could not realize that his days on the throne were numbered. The wind of change was so palpable that a blind man could tell the Zanu (PF) ship had sailed.

Towards the 2000 constitution referendum, MDC support had swelled so much that Mugabe could not afford to ignore the existence of the peoples party. The subsequent referendum no vote was a rude awakening for Mugabe and his bootlickers. They realized their grassroots support had shifted allegiance to the MDC. Before people could notice, Mugabe shined and sharpened his military swords and virtually turned the country into a military state. Since then Mugabe has been living on borrowed time provided by the military and the repressive police force.

Zanu (PF) sponsored violence claimed its first victim in Marondera, Motsi Chanakira. In the same year, in the company of other cadres, I went to Chihota, Svosve, Marondera urban and surrounding farms campaigning for the MDC. The areas were no go areas for the MDC then, but we had to make selfless and a dramatic break through.

In June, I was Dydimus Munenzvas polling agent at Dimbe School, Chief Svosve area. At the polling station, a Korean Election Observer acknowledged that I was the first woman rural observer he had come across. Zanu (PF) supporters chanted slogans in the vicinity calling for my head. Munenzva was MDC parliamentary candidate for the constituency, Marondera.

Mugabes slide from power

We were issued with the partys red cards and T-Shirts. Every 1pm, we waved the red card wherever we were. This signalled Mugabes irreversible slide from power. It also indicated that people no longer recognized Mugabe as relevant to politics of the country. Up to now we still wave the red card even though Mugabe is no longer a factor in the Zimbabwe political equation.

In 2001, in the company of Stanley Chigumbura, I took part in the High Court verification of a disputed Mashonaland East voters roll. I was disputing then State Security Minister, Sydney Sekeramais rigged victory over Munenzva of the MDC. Sekeramayis announced vote was 10 692 while Munenzva polled 10 655, according to government figures. The verification revealed there were more than 100 double voters. Ghost voters also appeared on the voters roll. Known people who passed away long back were recorded as having participated in the polls. Registrar General Tobayiwa Mudede had visibly struggled to announce the results on television.

At the High Court, Sekeramayi asked why I was being used by whites to reverse gains of the liberation struggle. He suggested I be engaged as a worker at the local council. I gave him a cold shoulder since I knew Tsvangirai was not for blacks only but for mankind.

Since the verification exercise was broadcast live on television, Zanu (PF) militia in Marondera recognized me and vowed to deal with me the moment I set foot in town. This did not cow me. In 2002, Boarder Gezi militia were transported in a government bus to attack us at a party provincial congress in town. Zanu (PF) supporters surrounded the premises singing revolutionary songs and chanting party slogans. When the police arrived, we were surprised to see the police firing tear gas canisters at us. Since we were confined in a building, the tear gas made life difficult for us. Some MDC activists were injured in the ensuing stampede.

After the incident some of our party members fled to Harare, but I stayed behind. Later, Zanu (PF) thugs attacked our party offices, but surprisingly MDC activists were arrested. A two month old baby was caught in the cross fire. Arbitrary arrests of MDC activists started. On one occasion I was asked by a senior police officer to leave politics to adults.

Fighting policemen

One day when I had brought food for arrested activists, Samuel Kamundarira, Youth activists from Marondera West, Diamond Tenifara, Edmore Muleya, Shame Bhero and Chalamanda Chihota, I told police officers that they were irrational and cruel people. I assured them that eventually the MDC and Tsvangirai would rule this country. After losing my temper, I challenged a criminal investigations officer to a fight.

At a course organised for trainers of poling agents at a Harare Hotel, I was motivated by the experience of shaking hands with Morgan Tsvangirai for the first time. I felt humbled by the honour and resolved to soldier on until democracy prevails in the country. After the course, I trained party election observers in nearby bushes. Elections were held and, as expected, Zanu (PF) stole the ballot.

During the elections, one of our poling agents, Jekanyika, was poisoned by Zanu (PF) poling agents at Loraincedale. He later recovered at Borrowdale Hospital. He had earlier been hit with an axe on the forehead by known Zanu (PF) thugs. The police did not take action as usual. During the 2005 parliamentary polls, I was a poling agent for MDC parliamentary candidate, Ian Kay.

The most disturbing phase of my political career, was when the MDC split over participation in the Senatorial elections. I remained attached to the Tsvangirai faction as I strongly believed in his political cause. The death of National Chairman Isaac Matongo in 2006 shook me to the core. It however strengthened my resolve as I felt obliged to fulfil Matongos ideals.

Economic hardships in 2007 and 2008, forced me to participate in politics while based in Botswana. At Maune in Botswana, people addressed me as lady MDC since my support for the party was overwhelmingly visible. I visited the country regularly to fight the dictatorship alongside activists at home.

Watershed ballot

In January 2008, I returned home to campaign for the MDC in preparation for the 29 March harmonized elections. During the process I mobilized party supporters living in Botswana and South Africa to register and take part in the watershed ballot. Most heeded my call and cast their decisive votes. After the presidential poll had been stolen by Mugabe, we suffered another set back in May as senior activists, Mable Tenifara (District Chairlady), Portifa Bakayimana (District Chairman) and Kainos Betera (District Youth Organizer) were abducted by suspected Zanu (PF) hired thugs. While Tenifara was later found savagely assaulted and alive at Summerset Farm, Bakayimana and Betera remain unaccounted for and are feared dead.

In June I was detained and terrorized at a Zanu (PF) base at Bemba Farm, where I had gone to sell some wares. Every vendor was supposed to produce a confirmation letter signed by Zanu (PF) losing councillors, or produce a Zanu (PF) membership card. I could not produce either as I have never been a Zanu (PF) supporter. In the rerun of the presidential poll, Zanu (PF) launched an operation code named red finger. Everyone was supposed to cast a vote in favour of Mugabe. The red finger proved that one had participated in the elections.

Disappointed by the failure to swear in Tsvangirai as President of the country, I packed my bags and returned to Botswana. After a short stay, I realized my services were needed and I returned home. I was again disturbed by the untimely death of Susan Tsvangirai in a road accident, immediately after her husband was sworn in as Prime Minister.

Though the GPA was later signed, people still remain insecure as the rule of law is yet to be established. The inclusive government has brought about a slight microscopic improvement in peoples welfare. The sight of Prime Minister Tsvangirai on national television being saluted by armed forces, at least comforts me. I remain optimistic that come next elections, Tsvangirai will overwhelmingly win the ballot and become the next president of Zimbabwe.

Brightness, now 32 years old, is a District Secretary for Women Affairs.