30 years on: Has anything changed?

On the surface, there have been some changes – but the cruel reality is that a lot more remains to be done to reflect the expected new dispensation. To use a current expression, there are still important outstanding issues. Apparently Zanu (PF) will not move from its position, as it is determined to maintain the status quo.

When it comes to that partys array of instruments of retaining power, four government ministries or departments immediately spring to mind. In no particular order, they are: the police (read: Augustine Chihuri), attorney- generals office (read: Johannes Tomana), local government (read: Ignatius Chombo), and information (read: Jonathan Moyo and George Charamba).

It is needless to mention the intelligence services and the army in this connection. On the other hand, although not in government, the list would be incomplete without reference to Zanu (PF)s storm troopersthe war veterans and the Green Bombers.

All the above have, in their different but complementary ways, more than excelled in ensuring that the party of the revolution continues to rule. Any sign of dissent (be it real or perceived) has been frustrated or suppressed, sometimes violently and mercilessly.

Human rights groups, civil society, trade unions, professional bodies (lawyers and journalists among them) have from time to time accused the police and the attorney-generals office of selective enforcement of the law. They complain that these two arms of government seem over-enthusiastic in dealing with anybody who is not Zanu (PF), while ignoring cases involving the former ruling partys supporters or sympathisers.

The police, for their part, plead that they are under strict orders to keep their distance from political cases. The few who have been cheeky enough to ignore the instruction, which is said to be from higher office, have been made an example of and live to regret their insubordination.

As for Chombo, his is one of the key ministries whose importance might not be readily apparent. He is responsible for city and town councils, rural administration and resettlement areas and has been in collision with all major urban councils, from Mutare to Bulawayo via Harare and Kwekwe.

These local authorities were under the control of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirais Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), whose base was originally in the urban centres. Despite persistent intimidation and harassment to toe the Zanu (PF) line, urban Zimbabweans have resisted.

Elected mayors and councillors have been suspended or fired. They are replaced by commissioners (usually known Zanu (PF) supporters or sympathizers), who have performed dismally due to unsuitability or corruption or nepotism

The rural areas are a different matter. Some of them have been declared no-go for anyone outside Zanu (PF)including humanitarian organizations. The chiefs and headmen have been cowed into owing allegiance to the party rather than to the government.

In response to growing criticism of its bad governance, Zanu (PF) turned to the media to churn out propaganda to convince the populace that Zimbabwes problems are caused by external forces in collaboration with their local puppets. Fewer and fewer seem to be accepting this worn out song.

A name always associated with abuse of the public media and suppressing the independent media is Jonathan Moyo. The former information minister proved unequaled in his job as spin doctor. After posing as an independent member of parliament, he was soon back where he says he has always belonged. His word might not carry as much weight as it used to, but Moyo remains one of Zanu (PF)s key propaganda strategists and apologists.

The immediate future is still hazy for Zimbabwe. Experiences and events of the past year or so have not inspired hope for the future, contrary to expectations of the so-called inclusive government. Should we still hope for better times? – NYAHUNZVI is a retired media and communication trainer based in Harare. He can be contacted at timnyahunzvi@yahoo.co.uk