Outreach programme: an eyewitness account

But the chilly weather was not enough to deter the new black farmers from coming out at Igava farm, about 50km south of Marondera town in Mashonaland East province, to give their views to the Constitutional Parliamentary Committee (COPAC) leading Zimbabwes constitutional reforms.

About 200 farmers a fairly good number given the low turnout at some of the constitutional outreach meetings — wait, some sitting in small groups, speaking in hushed tones as if plotting what to tell the COPAC team when it arrives.

It is hours later when the COPAC team led by Margaret Matienga finally arrives to begin the process of recording the ideas and views of the new farmers — black peasants resettled on land seized from whites by President Robert Mugabe — they want included in the proposed new governance charter.

But the formalities first, which went in this order: a few introductory remarks, then an apology by the COPAC team for coming late and some mumbled response from the audience that was rather difficult to decipher whether it meant apology accepted or rejected then the serious business of the day begins.

The discussion is in the vernacular shona language and the COPAC representatives begin by asking about the Bill of Rights to be put in the new constitution and then move on to executive powers.

No prime minister

And a man looking well in his 60s rises to make a contribution. In this country, we do not need a prime minister. We want a president who has war credentials, he says, his tone seeming to suggest that his was not a mere proposal but a declaration of how the government structure of Zimbabwe should look like.

The man did not explain quite exactly why Zimbabwe should not have a prime minister. But he had one more point to make before sitting down. We do not want anyone to just think that they can be a president if they did not fight of this country, he said.

And to this, fellow farmers nod heads in approval. Then a woman shouts to a man sitting across from her: Soko, why dont you stand up and say something on this important issue.

Clad in a long winter jacket Soko, which is most probably not a name but his totem, takes the floor and begins by stating his liberation war credentials.

As a person who fought for this country, I would be insulted if someone who has links with the British we were fighting during the war becomes president, declares Soko. Maybe he can remain in opposition or as a prime minister. So what I am saying is: I do not want a president who has no known history.

Another round of nodding as war veteran Soko takes his sit.

Then a woman stands up to speak, but only to once again emphasise the importance of liberation struggle history as one of the entry requirements for the presidents job.

Land reform

She says: You know people died because of the land question? So how can we allow someone who never fought the war or does not support the land reform? We want a president who started the land reform programme and has war credentials.

We are in a resettlement area where the second person you meet is probably a ZANU PF sympathiser. As such, it should probably not come as a surprise that the public view here on these issues tends to mimic that of President Robert Mugabes party.

But sitting here listening to these farmers, man or woman, one after the other, insist on liberation war history as a qualification for presidential office it is becoming increasing hard not to conclude the farmers have been coached what to say.

The details and setting were obviously different. But sitting here at Igava Farm, I just could not stop my mind from wondering back to a press conference seven years ago, just before the presidential election in 2002, where the top brass of Zimbabwes security forces read a statement declaring they would not salute a president who did not participate in the 1970s liberation struggle.

The statement was seen as a direct attack on Mugabes main challenger, then opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai who did not take part in the struggle. It is difficult to avoid the same conclusion here that the farmers contributions are in fact a statement against Tsvangirai. But back to the proceedings here.

No age limit

A COPAC member asks if there should be an age limit on the head of the government, and a woman looking in her 50s is quick with a response.

Ah, you mean someone after spending his time in the war and then he is asked to leave (office) because he is old? No ways. He must rule as long as he wants, she says.

At this point COPAC team leader Matienga interjects: We have not said anyone must be removed from any post. All we are asking is about the next constitution. We asked whether there should be an age limit on the president, the prime minister or who ever is heading the government.

Now that makes sense, says a man who said he was 32 years old. He adds: “I was beginning to wonder whether you were trying to say our president must retire. I thought you want some stooge to come and reverse the land reform programme.

Another COPAC official asks if there must be limited terms for the head of government.

And Soko rises to the floor again: As long as the president has not finished the issue of the land reform, he must remain in power. He can contest as many times as he wants.

Several more issues are tackled but the pattern of discussion or rather responses from the farmers remains the same. One states a view and the rest back him or her.

Zanu (PF) language

After about four hours, Matienga stands up to tell the farmers: We have gone through all the issues we wanted to ask you. But if there is something you think should be included in the constitution please let us know.

And all eyes turn to a man seated on wooden chair. The man they call Soko — who by now looks to be the leader of the group.

Soko speaks: We do not want to waste time. We just want to remind you that we do not want a president who has no war history. We do not want homosexuals in this country. Anyone who is anti-land reform must not be president.

A round of applause greets Soko as he takes his chair.

Zanu (PF) denies threatening villagers and telling them what to say during outreach meetings. But anyone witnessing Soko and his fellow new farmers speaking would have been drawn to only one conclusion: the Igava farmers seemed a well-coached group and they spoke the language of Zanu (PF).