Elections in Zimbabwe have become a mere concession to pressure to democratize, a gross form of lip-service to democracy characterized by the Zanu (PF) regime’s use of authoritarian tactics, violence and intimidation to coerce the electorate to support it. As demonstrated below, through the use of the military, Zanu (PF) has perfected the art of taking the citizens of Zimbabwe through periodic ‘choice-less’ elections, where violence and intimidation play a decisive role in determining election processes and outcomes.
Zimbabwe’s laws, including the Defence Forces Act and the Constitution, prohibit the military from participating in politics and from partisan interference in electoral affairs. The mission statement and objectives of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces clearly spell out what the army and other forces seek to achieve, which includes ensuring the protection and security of Zimbabwe’s territorial integrity and independence.
Openly Partisan
Notwithstanding the legal and formal prohibition of partisan political conduct by the army, the military leadership is openly partisan towards Zanu (PF) and has dabbled in politics on several occasions thereby straining relations with civilians.
Security sector expert Dr. Martin Rupiya notes that civil-military relations were eroded to being non-existent in 2002 when the military chiefs purported to set the criteria for persons who can be presidential candidates. Since 2002, the military has consistently threatened to veto any poll result that goes against its preferred candidate that is, Robert Mugabe.
Over the past decade, Zimbabwe has witnessed a gradual militarization and politicization of electoral institutions characterized by several appointments of personnel with a military background to run institutions responsible for elections such as the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) and the Delimitation Commission (DC).
In September 2004, President Robert Mugabe appointed a four-member Delimitation Commission chaired by former Judge Advocate responsible for military tribunals in the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) and High Court Judge, Justice George Chiweshe. In 2008 Mugabe appointed Justice Chiweshe to chair the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission that presided over the violent and controversial 2008 national elections and the discredited 27 June presidential run-off election held the same year.
Justice Chiweshe chaired ZEC from 2005 until 2010. In 2008 the ZEC delayed the announcement of presidential results by more than six weeks for unclear reasons amid wide speculation that ZEC used the delay to manipulate figures to deny Morgan Tsvangirai an outright victory against Mugabe.
In May 2010, Mugabe promoted Justice Chiweshe to Judge President, a move widely regarded as a reward for his partisan role at the helm of ZEC. This appointment triggered protests by the MDC and civic groups.
A member of the Chiweshe-led Delimitation Commission, Job Wabira, is a former permanent secretary in the Ministry of Defence who in 1998 was accused of disregarding High Court rulings to release Standard newspaper journalists who had been arrested and tortured by the military for writing a story about an alleged coup attempt. Sobuza Gula-Ndebele, a former colonel in the ZNA was chairperson of the ESC charged with the running the 2002 presidential election. Gula-Ndebele was later appointed Attorney-General, a position he held until 2008.
During Gula-Ndebele’s tenure at the Electoral Supervisory Commission (ESC), the Chief Executive Officer of the ESC was Brigadier-General Douglas Nyikayaramba who has since been appointed by President Mugabe to head 3 Brigade based in Manicaland.
Nyikayaramba recently went public saying he was Zanu (PF) and would not allow the victory of Prime Minister Tsvangirai. He noted that he would not salute Tsvangirai if he wins elections . He further predicted a Zanu (PF) victory and demanded the elections be held in 2011, echoing the position of Zanu (PF).
After the formation of the inclusive government, ZEC was reconstituted with respected judge Justice Simpson Mtambanengwe as its chairperson. Serious concerns remain, however, that the ZEC secretariat comprises of military personnel whose independence is questionable. For instance, a senior military official, Major Utuile Silaigwana, who was part of the 2008 ZEC circus, is ZEC spokesperson.
Post published in: Politics