Above all of this is a total absence of any real vision for the future or nationally-minded leadership. The vision of Independence and Freedom has been overwhelmed by bigotry, partisanship, greed, corruption, state capture and violence.
The likely outcomes of the current crisis are difficult to predict, but there are some that seem more likely than others. Recent developments change many of the previous speculations, and point to the need for an urgent solution.
Zimbabwe needs a new way forward.
A vision for Zimbabwe:
In any way forward, there must be a vision for the future of the country, and many of these have been offered over the past decade. The following is a synthesis of several vision statements:
“An inclusive nation that guarantees its citizens freedom and ALL human rights, and develops its resources, both human and material, in an equitable mannerâ€.
The current crisis and its solution
The current crisis in Zimbabwe is the product of outmoded and predatory politics and discriminatory economic policies, and only a radically new approach will be able to reverse the inevitable march to domestic collapse. The Platform for Concerned Citizens (PCC) reached consensus that there are three critical principal issues that must be addressed.
Firstly, there is a crisis in governance and the economy that is evident for all Zimbabweans to see, and requires urgent attention lest the nation suffer domestic collapse.
Secondly, there is profound alienation of the citizens of Zimbabwe, who have lost faith in governance, political parties, and leadership in general.
Thirdly, there is a critical need for transformative reforms that will pre-empt elections or any other elite processes or pacts, and/or succession arrangements, not underpinned by crucial reforms that prioritise the interests of the citizens.
Therefore, in the absence of critical and substantial reforms, we further believe that another government of national unity will not be a solution for the country at this time.
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The need for reforms
There are a range of critical reforms, and these reforms need to concentrate on four key areas:
- Adherence to the constitution and institutionalising the principles of constitutionalism;
- Reform of key institutions that impede the above:
- Reform of the electoral process, to create conditions for genuinely free and fair, elections, and devoid of all controversy;
- Stabilising of the economy and the setting in place of an Economic Reform Agenda aimed at the following:
- Debt management, and recovery of misappropriated assets, nationally and internationally;
- Comprehensive macro-economic fundamentals;
- Policy consistency;
- Land policy and property rights;
- Revival of productive sectors;
- Mobilising the diaspora into the economic life of the country.
These critical reforms require a National Transitional Authority (NTA) that is an independent, non-partisan, and nationally-minded institution. It is our view that this is the only realistic solution to the crisis that Zimbabwe finds itself in, and we believe that this is the view that a majority of Zimbabweans, irrespective of political party allegiance, will see as sensible.
The National Transitional Authority (NTA)
The NTA must be guided by a vision and a set of guiding principles. A suggested set of principles is provided below. The NTA is proposed as an independent and non-partisan body.
Principles of the NTA
- No political party will hold a position within the NTA;
- All members of Parliament (the House of Assembly and the Senate) will hold their position until the declaration of a national election;
- The judiciary will continue as an arm of the state;
- The NTA will act in accordance with such legislation as enacted by Parliament;
- The members of the NTA shall be non-partisan and professional;
- The members of the NTA will be selected according to agreed criteria and procedures, from amongst the candidates put forward to an independent body, selected from amongst churches and other civic bodies;
- The NTA shall be composed of not more than 18 members;
- The NTA may apportion responsibilities for the management of government and the overseeing of all state bodies through a system of sub-committees.
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Legal Framework
It will have to be legally grounded and this will require a constitutional arrangement. The NTA would act as an interim government for a defined period, ending in a national election.
Composition
The NTA is composed of no more than 18 non-partisan and professional Zimbabweans, which should be nationally representative, including gender and age. By non-partisan, we mean:
- Has not held office in the state or political party in the past five years;
- Will not hold political office in the future five years.
Powers
The NTA should assume the powers granted to the Executive under the Constitution in order that the normal activities of the state continue during the interim period of the NTA. The legislature and the judiciary will continue in accordance with the constitution.
The NTA cannot undertake the full gamut of reforms that are required by the vision, and, by its nature, is only the first step towards the creation of a fully democratic state. However, it is critical that the NTA does not merely supervise a transition, but begins the movement of the transformative process required by the vision.
Proposed Structure of a National Transitional Authority
| CONSTITUTION |
| Judiciary | NTA | Legislature |
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| Sub-councils |
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| National Institutions – Ministries, Security sector, Local government authorities, etc.
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Keeping the present judiciary and parliament stuffed to the rafters with Mugabe and Zanu PF loyalists who rigged the last elections to be where they are will make it impossible for the NTA to deliver the reforms demanded here.
If the PCC accept the last elections were not free and fair, which is the basis of NTA, then why are we keeping an illegitimate legislature? To appease Mugabe and Zanu PF!
The Zanu PF dictatorship is not just one man and if anyone think they can implement any meaningfully democratic reforms whilst Zanu PF still controls parliament, the judiciary, army, police and every sector of Zimbabwe society is a dreamer.
The only big thing of value PCC have added to the debate on NTA is accepting that the democratic reforms required are more far reaching than those MDC-T were proposing.
There is no hope of delivering meaningful democratic change as long as Zanu PF continues to control parliament all the other State institutions. That is a fact!
Whilst this proposal is a significant improvement to the rubbish that Tsvangirai and Musewe have been proposing; however it too still has some very serious weaknesses that will make it impossible to deliver its primary objective of dismantling the dictatorship.
We have had too many false starts, too many disappointments and too many of our people have suffered and too many have died.
After 36 years of independence surely we must KNOW by now what we need to do to finally restore the freedoms and human rights of our people and, by God, one hopes that we finally have the courage and resolve to get this done!