Mr Mnangagwa, what solutions have you brought to regional problems?

President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s words during the Joint Command and Staff Course Number 37 graduation ceremony in Harare resonate strongly:

Tendai Ruben Mbofana

 

“Our mantra, ‘African solutions to African problems,’ must remain true for posterity. The responsibility to proffer and implement solutions to propel the peace, security, development, modernisation, and prosperity of our country, the SADC region, and the African continent lies with all of us.”

On the surface, these are noble sentiments, evoking pride in self-reliance and the collective agency of African nations. 

Indeed, it is imperative for Africans to address their challenges rather than relying on external interventions. 

However, when such declarations are made by a sitting SADC chairperson, the expectations are heightened. 

Words must be matched by action, and leadership must inspire tangible results.

Unfortunately, the grim reality of our region reveals a stark contradiction between Mnangagwa’s rhetoric and the ground realities under his stewardship. 

As regional conflicts rage and pressing socio-economic crises worsen, the question arises: what solutions has President Mnangagwa, as SADC chair, brought to these regional problems?

The ongoing turmoil in Mozambique following the contested October 9 elections has laid bare the ineffectiveness of SADC under Mnangagwa’s leadership. 

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The election, which declared FRELIMO’s Daniel Chapo victorious with 70% of the vote, has been marred by allegations of fraud from opposition leader Venancio Mondlane of PADEMOS. 

Subsequent mass protests have led to violent clashes, with over 73 lives lost, and according to Human Rights Watch, including 10 children.

On October 19, two senior opposition leaders, Elvino Dias and Paulo Guambe, were killed in Maputo, with authorities failing to make any arrests. 

This violence has torn communities apart and created an urgent need for intervention.

Despite the bloodshed, SADC’s response has been woefully inadequate. 

When President Mnangagwa convened an Extraordinary Summit on November 20, there was hope for decisive action. 

Yet, the final communiqué reduced Mozambique’s plight to a single paragraph, offering generic condolences and vague affirmations of commitment. 

No concrete action plan, no timelines, and no mechanisms to resolve the crisis were announced. 

Around the time of the SADC Extraordinary Summit, at least 18 people had been reported killed, according to Human Rights Watch. 

Now, 55 more deaths later, SADC has still not done anything to find a “regional solution to the regional problem”.

This lack of a meaningful response underscores SADC’s inability to fulfill its mandate of ensuring peace and security in southern Africa. 

It begs the question: is SADC merely a ceremonial institution, incapable of addressing the crises within its borders?

Ironically, the very country leading SADC may be contributing to the region’s instability. 

Reports indicate that approximately 296,519 Zimbabweans participated in Mozambique’s elections, allegedly mobilized by ZANU-PF to bolster FRELIMO, a fellow former liberation movement. 

This blatant interference has fueled tensions and delegitimized the electoral process, exacerbating Mozambique’s political crisis.

This pattern of interference extends beyond Mozambique. 

In Botswana, high-ranking ZANU-PF officials campaigned for the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) in the lead-up to elections. 

The people of Botswana, unimpressed by foreign meddling, voted the BDP out of power, ushering in a new era under Duma Boko’s Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC). 

Mnangagwa himself faced public humiliation during Boko’s inauguration, as the crowd booed him—a stark reminder of the regional resentment Zimbabwe’s leadership is fostering

Namibia offers yet another example. 

ZANU-PF, again, is accused of brazenly meddling in the country’s elections by openly supporting the ruling SWAPO party. 

According to independent newspaper The Namibian, tempers flared during a meeting at the Electoral Commission of Namibia (ECN) offices between SWAPO secretary-general Sophia Shaningwa and opposition Independent Patriots for Change (IPC) spokesperson Imms Nashinge. 

In a video shared by the publication, Nashinge accused Shaningwa of being a “ZANU-PF thug”.

Such accusations highlight a troubling pattern: instead of fostering peace and unity, Zimbabwe under Mnangagwa’s leadership is exporting its toxic political culture to neighboring states.

The failure to address Mozambique’s crisis epitomizes SADC’s broader incapacity under Mnangagwa. 

If SADC cannot act decisively in its member states’ most critical moments, it forfeits its moral authority and practical relevance. 

This opens the door for external powers to intervene, as they inevitably will when conflict and human rights abuses reach untenable levels. 

Should the United States or European Union deploy peacekeepers or mediators to Mozambique, SADC would have no justification to protest. 

After all, it is the region’s failure to act that invites external intervention. 

Mnangagwa’s insistence on “African solutions to African problems” rings hollow when the solutions are absent, and the problems persist unabated.

President Mnangagwa’s rhetoric, though lofty, is undermined by the lack of political will to implement real solutions. 

If African leaders, particularly those in SADC, continue to prioritize solidarity with ruling parties over the welfare of citizens, the region will remain a tinderbox of unaddressed crises. 

Talk is cheap, and the people of the region, particularly in Mozambique, deserve more than empty promises. 

They deserve leadership that puts the region’s stability and prosperity above partisan loyalties. 

They deserve a SADC that acts swiftly and decisively to prevent the loss of lives and the erosion of democratic principles.

To restore its credibility and effectiveness, SADC under Mnangagwa must adopt a people-centered approach, prioritizing the welfare of citizens over political alliances. 

The organization must strengthen conflict resolution mechanisms by establishing clear protocols for responding to political and security crises, including timelines, mediation teams, and enforcement measures. 

Transparency and inclusivity in electoral processes must also be prioritized, with impartial observers monitoring regional elections. 

Equally important, SADC should put in place strong measures to prevent foreign entities, more so fellow regional countries, from meddling in the internal affairs of sovereign member states.

Moreover, Zimbabwe’s domestic failures under Mnangagwa—marked by governance and human rights issues—must be addressed to restore credibility and inspire confidence in his leadership.

SADC must engage with civil society organizations to gain grassroots insights and build trust among citizens. 

This collaboration can ensure that solutions are rooted in the realities and aspirations of the region’s people, fostering a sense of ownership and accountability.

President Mnangagwa’s mantra of “African solutions to African problems” can only hold weight if backed by meaningful action. 

SADC must rise to the occasion, proving itself capable of addressing the region’s most pressing challenges. 

This requires leadership that is bold, principled, and unafraid to confront uncomfortable truths. 

Moreover, the role of SADC chair must be seen to be that of finding solutions and not causing problems in the region.

The people of southern Africa cannot afford another decade of inaction and incompetence. 

It is time for SADC to fulfill its mandate and for Mnangagwa to demonstrate that his words are more than hollow rhetoric. 

The region’s future depends on it.

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