Zimbabweans will forever cry as long as we believe the liberation struggle was enough to bring freedom

There is no greater imprisonment than self-delusion.

Tendai Ruben Mbofana

The tragedy of the Zimbabwean psyche lies in the enduring myth of the “Final Revolution.” 

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For forty-six years, we have lived under the shadow of a single historical event—the 1970s liberation struggle—treating it not as a beginning, but as a destination. 

We were sold the seductive lie that the lowering of the Union Jack and the raising of our own multi-colored banner in 1980 constituted the total sum of emancipation. 

We were told that because the colonial master had departed, freedom had arrived. 

Yet, as millions of Zimbabweans scrounge for a living in a landscape of looted resources and shuttered opportunities, the bitter reality is unavoidable: political independence from a colonial power is not synonymous with the freedom of the person. 

We are a nation that is technically “free” but whose people remain shackled by the chains of a post-colonial oppression that is, in many ways, more heartbreaking because it wears the face of our supposed liberators.

To understand why the fruits of 1980 have remained the exclusive preserve of a parasitic elite, we must look at the global history of democracy, which we often misinterpret as a series of sudden, singular victories. 

There is a dangerous misconception that Western democracies reached their current levels of stability through a solitary “big bang” of revolution. 

This is historically false. 

The democracy enjoyed in the West today is the result of centuries of repeated, overlapping, and relentless “waves” of revolution. 

They did not stop at the first hurdle of removing a king or a colonial governor; they understood that power, by its very nature, seeks to consolidate and corrupt, and therefore must be challenged anew by every generation.

Take France, for example. 

The revolution of 1789 is the most famous, but it did not bring lasting democracy. 

It brought the Terror, followed by the dictatorship of Napoleon. 

If the French people had folded their arms and said, “We are free because 1789 happened,” they would have remained under autocracy. 

Instead, they had to rise again in 1830, and yet again in 1848, and once more in 1870. 

Each of these upheavals—some violent, some political—was a necessary correction to the failures of the previous one. 

They realized that the “Old Regime” had a habit of reincarnating in new uniforms, and they refused to accept a counterfeit freedom. 

Similarly, the United States did not become a true democracy in 1776. 

The American Revolution left millions enslaved and half the population without a vote. 

It took a bloody Civil War in the 1860s to break the back of the slave economy, and another century of civil rights “revolutions” in the 1960s to ensure that the promise of 1776 applied to all citizens. 

Even England, often cited for its stability, had to endure a brutal Civil War between 1642 and 1651, the execution of a King, and the ‘Glorious Revolution’ of 1688 before the power of the monarch was finally subordinate to the will of the people’s representatives.

In Zimbabwe, we have allowed ourselves to be held hostage by the 1970s. 

We have permitted a single historical epoch to become a permanent justification for modern-day plunder. 

The ruling elite uses the liberation war as a shield; whenever they are questioned about the collapse of the healthcare system, the looting of mineral wealth, or the suppression of dissent, they point to the scars of the bush war as if they are a perpetual “get out of jail free” card. 

By accepting the narrative that the 1970s struggle was the only revolution we would ever need, we have inadvertently given the oppressor permission to stay. 

We have fallen into the trap of “liberation movement entitlement,” where those who led the fight for the country believe they now own the country and its people.

The harsh truth is that we are living in a state of arrested development. 

Independence in 1980 was a critical first step—it broke the back of racial segregation and colonial disenfranchisement—but it was never meant to be the end of the journey. 

A country can be sovereign and still be a prison. 

A person can have a Zimbabwean passport and still be a slave to poverty, fear, and state-sponsored corruption. 

True emancipation is not just the absence of a foreign ruler; it is the presence of justice, the accountability of leadership, and the equitable distribution of national bread. 

When the wealth of our soil is vanished into the private bank accounts of a few while the majority cannot afford basic sustenance, we are not free. 

We are merely under new management.

It is, therefore, the height of foolhardiness for Zimbabweans to expect genuine freedom to fall from the sky simply because we won a war five decades ago. 

Change does not come on its own; it is not a fruit that ripens with time. 

Change is a product of pressure. 

As long as we continue to tell ourselves that we are “free” while we watch our futures being looted, we will forever be crying. 

We are waiting for a ghost to save us, while the living reality of our suffering demands a new awakening.

What Zimbabwe needs today is a new revolution. 

This call is not a summons to the trenches or a demand for the use of arms. 

The era of the gun and violence should be behind us. 

The new revolution must be one of the mind, the spirit, and the collective will. 

It is a revolution of organization. 

We must come together across the artificial divides of tribe, class, and political affiliation to stand up against the post-colonial oppressor. 

This revolution is about demanding that the state serves the citizen, rather than the citizen serving the state. 

It is about reclaiming the “fruits of independence” from the high-walled mansions of the elite and returning them to the clinics, the schools, and the dinner tables of the ordinary Zimbabwean.

We must dispel the notion that protesting or demanding better is an act of “unpatriotism.” 

On the contrary, the most patriotic act a Zimbabwean can perform today is to refuse to accept the status quo. 

To be a patriot is to love your country enough to protect it from those who are destroying it from within. 

The revolutionaries of the 1970s did their part in removing the foreign oppressor; it is now the duty of this generation to break the stranglehold of the domestic one.

If we fail to do this, we are betraying the very ancestors we claim to honor. 

They did not die so that a few could live in luxury while the masses suffered; they died for a promise that remains unfulfilled.

The lesson from the West is clear: democracy is a work in progress, not a finished monument. 

If we want a Zimbabwe where every child has a fair shot, where our resources benefit the many and not the few, and where the law is a shield for the weak rather than a sword for the powerful, we must realize that 1980 was just the preface. 

The real story of our freedom has yet to be written. 

We must stop waiting for the ‘spirit of 1980’ to save us and start building the national renewal of 2026.

Only when we organize, stand up, and demand our birthright will we finally realize true emancipation. 

Until then, our independence is a hollow shell, and our freedom is nothing more than a cruel illusion.

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