Sadly, the Unity Accord came a little too late for the 60,000 women who were raped and over 20,000 civilians who died at the hands of Mugabe’s notorious Fifth Brigade. For Nkomo – who was portrayed as a dissident intent on overthrowing the government – the peace accord meant the end of a decade-long exile and a return to his rightful position as ‘Father Zimbabwe.’
Children who had been previously taught to sing songs of ridicule about the liberation war icon suddenly showered praise on Nkomo, at the prompting of those who had schooled them in derisive ditties. The history of the liberation war was told anew; sell-outs of yesteryear became present day heroes. In terms of the Unity Accord, a former PF Zapu representative would be guaranteed one of the two vice presidential positions.
Decades later, an airport would be named after the country’s first co-Vice President. To remind us all of the folly of our ‘moment of madness’ – or perhaps to try and appease the Matabele for the decade of killing – a three-metre statue of Nkomo was erected at the junction of Main and Eight Streets in Bulawayo. It seemed that Unity had defeated Tribalism – or did it?
Forgotten heroes
The passing of Sikhanyiso Ndlovu reveals that tribalism is still very much alive within Mugabe’s Zanu (PF). On the death of one of the country’s foremost educators, the government mouthpiece, Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, seemed more concerned about inconsequential presidential luncheons and carrying out damage control in the aftermath of the famous wrong speech.
When the newsreader finally announced Ndlovu’s death, 19 minutes after the ZBC drummer had played the main news theme, the story had the unpleasant odour of an afterthought, borne out of Zanu (PF) indifference towards former PF Zapu liberators. It was almost as if Ndlovu’s death did not matter.
When, as expected, Ndlovu was declared a national hero, the late founder of Zideco was forced to play second fiddle at his own funeral.
At Ndlovu’s burial, a skirmish broke out between members of the National Youth Service (‘Green bombers’) and Harare South MP, Shadreck Mashayamombe, apparently over the trivial matter of campaign T shirts. Also at Ndlovu’s interment, Mugabe who normally talks long enough to raise the dead, only spoke for a brisk 20 minutes, perhaps suggesting that he had more important things to do with his time.
Forget Gukurahundi
Three weeks ago, VP Emmerson Mnangagwa made some rather controversial utterances, in which he practically called Nkomo a traitor of the liberation struggle.
‘Ian Smith said to me: I represent white interests and I have been championing white interests but I have been able to call other African leaders to discuss issues with them. People like Chikerema, Joshua Nkomo, Ndabaningi Sithole, Chief Chirau of Zvimba and others. All those lost (1980) elections because these leaders do not only stand for the interests of the black people. They can also be swayed by me to represent white interests,’ said Mnangagwa.
Mnangagwa’s comments are tantamount to dancing on the grave of Nkomo. But the VP’s insensitivity comes as no surprise. In 2011, Mnangagwa made little of Gukurahundi, a brutal operation he led as National Security Minister during the 1980s. Despite the so called unity accord, it is still illegal to speak of Gukurahundi. The perpetrators prefer that the atrocities be swept under the carpet.
‘Trying to open healed wounds will only undermine the statesmanship exhibited by Mugabe and the late Vice President Dr Joshua Nkomo. Those vocal of Gukurahundi have selfish agendas they are pushing; they just want to divide the nation by those unfounded allegations,’ Mnangagwa said.
Not only is Mnangagwa flippant about the deaths of over 20,000 people but his utterances indicate that he presumes to know that the wounds have ‘healed’ when in actual fact the survivors of Gukurahundi say otherwise. Several women have raised children of unknown paternity, conceived from gang rape committed by members of the Fifth Brigade. None of those women can answer the inevitable question – ‘who is my father?’
Many survivors have not received closure, due to the fact that thousands of people were arrested by security forces and never seen or heard from again. Husbands who worked in the city returned home to find their families missing and homesteads burnt to the ground, leaving perhaps a child’s shoe or a woman’s doek.
For anyone to say that those wounds have ‘healed’ is not only callous but very presumptuous. Furthermore, it seems odd that anyone could claim that Gukurahundi wounds have ‘healed’ when President Mugabe himself has appointed a minister for national healing and a clause for a national healing organ exists in the constitution.
Battle of the VPs
The unity accord also seems to presume that the highest possible post for any former PF Zapu member is vice president. Although Mugabe traditionally appoints a VP from both parties, in order to maintain a balanced representation, it is quite clear that former PF Zapu VPs play second fiddle.
While Mnangagwa has more prestigious vice presidential assignments abroad, his ex PF Zapu counterpart, Phelekezela Mphoko, is mainly confined to minor local duties. Recently, VP Mphoko got annoyed when Josiah Hungwe – the head of that preposterous psychomotor ministry – introduced him as ‘second vice president.’
Mphoko shot back, ‘I want to make a correction before I proceed. As a vice president, I am still referred to as honourable. Again, we do not have a first and second vice president in our structures. We just have two vice presidents.’
The fact that Mphoko has to scream about purported equality with Mnangagwa only confirms what everybody already knows.
– Till next week, my pen is capped. Jerà Twitter @JeraZW
Post published in: Featured